Kleist's position was congenial to Cioran's. But its insistence that there was no escape from rational thought brooked no revolutionary foolishness. Susan acknowledged this with reluctance. "Politically, Cioran must be regarded as a conservative," she wrote. "He regards the hope of radical revolution as something to be outgrown by the mature mind." It is not clear how much Susan knew about Cioran's development, since he suppressed his first books, written in Romanian before his establishment in France in 1937. They would not be revived until after the fall of communism, but they reveal a youthful infatuation with radicalism that paralleled hers.Cioran had begun his political life as an extremist of the Right: a fascist. But the underlying process was the same, as one of his biographers has written, and had been common among twentieth-century intellectuals. It was not so different from the trajectory among Americans that Irving Howe had traced. The cycle "begins with intellectuals' critique of modern society, coupled with utopian, totalitarian solutions. It ends with their revulsion at the excesses of war, revolution, and totalitarianism, and a retreat into the de-politicized realm of art and ideas." A generation younger, Susan would become disillusioned along similar lines.