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@isabeldeportugal
During the lifetime of Juana of Castile, two women simultaneously bore the title of queen in the Iberian kingdoms, though with different legal status. Juana was the queen regnant of Castile and Aragon, the legitimate sovereign by hereditary right, a position she retained until her death despite being excluded from active rule.
Isabel of Portugal, the wife of Charles V, was queen consort of both kingdoms and exercised authority as regent during her husband’s absences. Thus, there were not two reigning queens simultaneously, but rather a coexistence of a queen regnant who held sovereign legitimacy and a queen consort who governed through delegated power.
Isabel de Portugal was genuinely beloved by many people in Spain for a mix of personal character, political skill, and symbolic importance. Here’s why she earned that affection 👇
1. She felt Spanish
Even though she was Portuguese, Isabel was Iberian by culture and blood, not a distant foreign queen. She spoke the language, understood Castilian customs, and adapted quickly to Spanish court life. To ordinary people, she didn’t feel like an outsider imposed by diplomacy.
2. A calm, just, and compassionate ruler
When Carlos V was away (which was often), Isabel served as regent of Spain. She ruled with:
Fairness in justice
Care for the poor
Firm but humane governance
Chroniclers consistently describe her as serene, thoughtful, and merciful, qualities highly admired in a queen at the time.
3. She brought stability after chaos
Spain was still healing from political unrest (like the Comuneros’ Revolt). Isabel represented order, peace, and continuity. Her steady presence reassured both nobles and commoners that the realm was in good hands.
4. A model Christian queen
Isabel embodied the Renaissance ideal of a pious but not fanatical ruler:
Deeply religious
Charitable
Personally modest despite immense power
This resonated strongly in 16th-century Spain, where moral authority mattered as much as royal blood.
5. A loving wife and devoted mother
People admired her marriage to Carlos V because it was unusually affectionate for a dynastic union. She was seen as:
Loyal and emotionally devoted
A protective mother of the future Philip II
When she died young (only 36), public mourning was intense—her death felt personal to many Spaniards.
6. Grace, dignity, and beauty
Let’s be honest: her dignified beauty, immortalized by Titian, reinforced her image as the ideal empress. But it wasn’t vanity—her elegance symbolized harmony and order, values people craved.
Isabel Of Portugal
Image generated by AI
Catherine of Aragon, Juana of Castile, and Isabel of Portugal lived at the heart of a century that demanded greatness and punished vulnerability. Their names are often spoken beside kings, treaties, and dynasties, yet their true legacy is written in something more human: endurance, dignity, and the quiet strength it takes to survive a world that rarely allowed women to belong fully to themselves.
Catherine of Aragon stands as a symbol of unwavering conviction. She arrived in England carrying the weight of Spain’s prestige and her own sense of duty, and she spent years shaping her role not only as queen, but as a moral force within a turbulent court. Her story is too often reduced to a marriage and its tragic end, but Catherine’s life was defined by courage—by the way she defended her position, her faith, and her daughter with a calm determination that refused to be humiliated. Even in loss, she preserved something the politics of the age could not destroy: her self-respect.
Juana of Castile remains one of history’s most haunting figures, not because she lacked power, but because power was taken from her through fear and manipulation. Her life reflects the brutal cost of being both legitimate and inconvenient. Whether her suffering came from grief, illness, betrayal, or all at once, Juana became a woman trapped inside the ambitions of others, her pain used as a justification for confinement. Yet her existence cannot be dismissed as tragedy alone. Juana was the rightful queen of Castile, and the very fact that she had to be controlled reveals how dangerous her authority truly was. In remembering her, we honor not a caricature, but a human being whose voice was deliberately muted.
Isabel of Portugal, wife of Charles V, embodies a different kind of strength: the strength of balance. She ruled as regent with intelligence and composure, maintaining stability while her husband carried the burdens of empire across Europe. Isabel’s life is often described with elegance—her refinement, her beauty, her calm presence—but behind that grace stood sharp capability and deep responsibility. She was not merely the emperor’s companion; she was his anchor, a queen who governed in his absence and shaped the court with quiet authority. Her early death left a wound not only in Charles’s heart, but in the political and emotional center of his world.
Together, these three women reflect the many faces of queenship: the queen who resists, the queen who is silenced, and the queen who steadies an empire. Their lives remind us that history is not only made by battles and decrees, but by the private courage of those who endure what they did not choose. To honor Catherine, Juana, and Isabel is to recognize the dignity of women whose stories were shaped by forces beyond their control—and whose strength still speaks, centuries later, with undeniable power.
Felipe II’s relationship with his mother, Isabel de Portugal, was very close—but sadly short-lived. Isabel was known to be a caring and involved mother, and Felipe spent his earliest years closely connected to her.
Isabel died in 1539, when Felipe was only 12 years old. Contemporary accounts describe Felipe as devastated, and her death marked him emotionally for a long time.
Even after her death, Felipe kept a deep respect and affection for her memory. Many historians see her loss as one reason he grew into a more serious, reserved, and duty-focused personality.
Descriptions of Isabel of Portugal by foreign ambassadors
Venetian ambassadors
Venetian envoys were among the most perceptive observers in Europe. One Venetian ambassador described her as “more beautiful in bearing than in features”, emphasizing her grace, dignity, and calm authority, which surpassed mere physical beauty. He noted her fair complexion and light-colored hair, unusual in Spain, and remarked that her expression inspired respect rather than flirtation. Another Venetian report praised her seriousness, prudence, and discretion, adding that she spoke little in public but commanded attention when she did.
Gasparo Contarini, Venetian ambassador (c. 1529–1530)
“È di bella presenza più che di bella faccia; grave, composta e molto onesta, e nel parlare breve ma efficace.”
Marco Foscari, Venetian report
“Ha carnagione bianchissima e capelli chiari; non è allegra né vezzosa, ma ispira riverenza e rispetto.”
Anonymous Venetian relazione
“È donna che pare nata per comandare; taciturna, ma quando parla tutti ascoltano.”
French ambassadors
French envoys, often politically hostile to the Habsburgs, still acknowledged her qualities. A French ambassador wrote that Isabel was “beautiful without artifice”, meaning she did not rely on heavy cosmetics or exaggerated fashion. He highlighted her large, serene eyes and measured gestures, noting that she embodied natural authority rather than theatrical charm. The same report remarked that her beauty grew with familiarity, suggesting a quiet, enduring appeal.
French ambassador at Toledo (c. 1533)
“La Reyne est belle sans artifice, de regard doux et assuré, et de gestes si mesurés qu’elle semble tousjours en majesté.”
Jean de Saint-Mauris, imperial-French correspondence
“Sa beauté n’est point éclatante au premier regard, mais elle croist par l’usage et la conversation.”
Portuguese ambassadors
Even envoys from her native Portugal, reporting to Lisbon, adopted a characteristically diplomatic tone. Their correspondence emphasizes that Isabel of Portugal had fully assimilated Castilian court customs, particularly its ideals of gravity, reserve, and devotion, while still retaining a sense of Portuguese refinement.
Report sent to Lisbon by a Portuguese envoy in Spain
“A Imperatriz vive com grande recolhimento e devoção, em muito silêncio, e é tida por todos em grande veneração.”
Report from a Portuguese envoy in Castile to King João III (c. 1529–1531)
“A Imperatriz, minha senhora, é de muito bom parecer e de tanta honestidade que a todos move à veneração; fala pouco e com grande aviso, e mostra em seus modos natural autoridade.”
Letter from a Portuguese court observer in Toledo
“Vive com grande recolhimento e devoção, mais inclinada à gravidade que a qualquer contentamento mundano, e por isso é muito amada e respeitada.”
Imperial and Burgundian observers
Diplomats from the Low Countries recorded observations on the appearance and conduct of Isabel of Portugal in the course of their correspondence. Burgundian envoys noted her fair complexion, gentle features, and noble bearing, and repeatedly commented on her composure, restraint, and moderation in speech and demeanor. Their reports emphasize her gravity, reserve, and self-control, qualities presented as appropriate and commendable in an imperial consort. References to her authority appear in descriptions of the respect accorded to her at court and in the formal conduct observed in her presence.
English ambassadors
English ambassadors consistently portrayed Isabel of Portugal in markedly positive terms, though always through the restrained and moralizing lens characteristic of Tudor diplomacy. Their reports focus less on physical beauty than on character, emphasizing her gravity, temperance, and natural authority. She is presented as a woman of few words, whose silence was understood not as passivity but as prudence and political judgment.
English observers repeatedly stressed that her authority did not derive from ostentation or courtly display, but from comportment and conduct. She appeared, in their words, born “rather to rule than to please,” embodying an ideal of queenship grounded in moral discipline rather than spectacle. Her manner of life was described as virtuous and sober, marked by limited participation in entertainments and a consistent adherence to decorum.
Notably, English ambassadors also underlined the respect she commanded beyond Spain itself. She was said to be held in singular reverence not only by her own subjects but by foreigners as well, a detail that reinforced her image as a stabilizing moral presence within the Habsburg monarchy. Taken together, these accounts present Isabel of Portugal as an exemplary imperial consort: not dazzling or theatrical, but respected, reliable, and deeply aligned with the values of prudent governance admired by English political culture.
Report of an English agent in Spain (Calendar of State Papers, Henry VIII, vol. IV)
“She is not very talkative, but of such presence and behaviour that all the court do honour her, as one borne rather to rule than to please.”
Letter from an English observer at the imperial court (c. 1532)
“Her beautie is quiet and without bravade, and in her demeanour appeareth a naturall authoritie joined with great temperance.”
Later English diplomatic summary (compiled for Henry VIII’s council)
“The Emperesse liveth very vertuously, with small delight in pastimes, and is had in singular reverence as well of strangers as of her owne nation.”
Despite these occasional acts of selfishness, Charles clearly loved his wife. One day in 1532, in a letter to his sister Mary from Germany, he promised to include a portrait of Isabel, ‘the most beautiful one I possess, which will be the one that resembles her most’; but then he changed his mind. ‘I was writing to my wife when your letter arrived,’ he explained, and now ‘I want to look at her portrait myself, seeing the great beauty it contains’–adding self-righteously: ‘I am such a devoted husband that other beautiful women now do nothing for me.’ A few months later he apologized to Mary for the brevity of his letter, ‘because otherwise it would be very badly written, since all I have done for the last two hours is write a letter to my wife’.
Charles and Isabel not only exchanged letters: periodically they also sent trusted messengers ‘to bring news of your health and of how things are there, and also so that Your Majesty will learn about my health, and that of our children, and about things here’. The night after Charles left for Italy in 1529, apparently spontaneously, each of them dispatched a messenger to the other; and when they were apart, they also exchanged gifts. In 1537 the empress ‘sent a post to th’emperor at Barcelona with a letle flower of silke of her owne making, enclosed in a box’.
Nevertheless, only Isabel’s death seems to have made the emperor fully appreciate what he had possessed, and he would show her memory a depth of sentiment not seen while she was alive. Now there was no pressure, no bitter reproaches, nothing that could counter the many admirable virtues she had embodied; no illness to distort the beautiful features. In short, after her death she became more an icon than a real woman.
In 1547, Charles summoned Titian to come and repair his portrait of the empress, which arrived two years ago somewhat damaged. He took the painting with him to Yuste, and gazed on it for a long time the day he realized that his illness might be terminal. In his final agony, as he had always planned, he held and kissed the crucifix that Isabel had held when she died.
Source:
Geoffrey Parker, Emperor: A New Life of Charles V
In 1537 as soon as Charles learned for certain that the empress was pregnant, he prepared to leave court again. Isabel protested, telling her husband that ‘she would come too, even if her womb came up to her throat’, but she wasted her breath: Charles left for Aragon without her in July and Isabel again gave birth alone, this time to another son who received the Trastámara name Juan. He died five months later, leaving Prince Felipe once more as the couple’s only male child.
Concern that his wife was approaching the end of her fertility led Charles to hurry back to create another child, but Pedro Girón (who as chief magistrate of the royal household had a privileged viewpoint) noted with surprise that, despite her husband’s presence, this time the empress was very sad and made this plain to see in her face and her clothes. She never dressed as she used to do when the emperor was present, but instead dressed in black as Isabel did when he was away. If this was an attempt to make her husband feel guilty, it failed: after less than a month Charles once again abandoned his newly pregnant wife.
Source:
Geoffrey Parker, Emperor: A New Life of Charles V
The infante Fernando
The third child of Carlos and Isabel was born in Madrid on 22 November 1529. The emperor would never meet him. At that time, he was in Bologna, preparing for his solemn coronation. The birth took place without major complications, and a beautiful, robust baby boy was born. Isabel once again displayed her mastery over pain, just as she had in her previous deliveries. And, as on other occasions, she requested that the room where the birth was to take place be kept in semi-darkness. No one was to see the expressions of pain on her face; such displays were, in her view, incompatible with royal dignity.
The child was given the name Fernando in memory of his grandfather, amid great popular rejoicing and enthusiasm. His birth strengthened the line of succession—another son had been born. In Bologna, when Carlos received the news in early December, his birth was celebrated with solemn liturgical ceremonies and grand court festivities.
Carlos failed to inform Isabel that he had promised his aunt Margaret of Austria that she would raise their second son in the Netherlands and that the child would eventually succeed her as Governor. This fits Margaret’s longstanding desire for an heir to continue her work in the Low Countries. The empress only learned about this commitment in an emotional, celebratory letter from Margaret, congratulating her on the birth of Fernando:
‘No news could have been as welcome to me. Given what His Majesty promised me, I hope that [Fernando] will be my son, a support to me in my old age, a consolation for the sadness I feel every day. I therefore beg you, madam: do not tell me I am mistaken."
The tone of Margaret of Austria’s letter clearly suggests she believed Isabel had already been informed of the arrangement. But the empress was caught completely off guard. Her response was formal, restrained, and noticeably cool. Isabel was hurt by having been excluded from the decision, blindsided by learning such news from someone else, and emotionally affected, given her strong maternal devotion and typically close relationship with Carlos.
The plan never materialized because young prince died on 14 July 1530, before he had even reached his first birthday. The chronicle of Pedro Girón records it in this way:
'That year, at its beginning, the empress was in the town of Madrid, and while she was there the infante Don Fernando fell ill with what women call ‘alferecía’, a sickness of tremors and fainting fits that kills children in a short time; and so it did with this prince, who did not live out a full day."
He provides further details as well, noting Isabel’s great moral strength despite her grief, for she immediately resumed her usual governmental duties, mastering her sorrow—though she soon suffered persistent tertian fevers that forced her to postpone meetings and decisions. Charles V received the news of his son’s death in Augsburg, and from there he sent his condolences to his wife at the end of July:
“We have felt the passing of the infante, our son, as is only natural; but since Our Lord, who gave him to us, has wished him for Himself, we must submit to His will, give Him thanks, and beseech Him to protect the child who remains to us. And so I beg you, my lady, most affectionately, to do the same, to put aside and banish all grief and sorrow, consoling yourself with the prudence and strength of spirit befitting a person of your rank.”
Sources:
Villacorta, Antonio. La Emperatriz Isabel. Editorial Actas, 2009.
Alvar Ezquerra, Antonio. La Emperatriz. La Esfera de los Libros, 2012.
Geoffrey Parker, Emperor: A New Life of Charles V
Tiziano Vecellio, called Titian, was commissioned by Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, to paint a portrait of his late wife, Isabella of Portugal. The commission resulted in three paintings: a seated portrait of the Empress in a black gown with the imperial crown, now destroyed; a second portrait depicting her in a red and gold dress, seated near a window with a landscape beyond, and a double portrait of the royal couple, now lost, known through a copy by Rubens.
The present painting is modelled after the the first portrait, completed in 1545 and retouched by the artist three years later, at the request of the Emperor who was dissatisfied with his wife’s nose. Although the prime version was lost in a fire at the Palacio de El Pardo, Madrid, in 1604, we know the composition through an engraving by Pieter de Jode, which itself follows a lost copy by Rubens.
FOLLOWER OF TIZIANO VECELLIO, CALLED TITIANPortrait of Isabella of Portugal (1503-1539), three-quarter length, seated, with the imperial cro
The Tapestry of Charles V depicting his marriage to Isabella of Portugal in 1526, Bruges, c.1630-40
Did Charles V have a daughter with Germaine de Foix?
In 1536 the will of Germaine de Foix, widow of Ferdinand the Catholic and wife of Fernando de Aragón, duke of Calabria, included a major legacy:
‘Item, we bequeath and leave the string of 133 large pearls, which is the best that we possess, to the Most Serene Infanta Isabel of Castile, daughter of His Majesty the emperor, my son and my lord, on account of the great love that we feel for His Highness.’
Germaine died a few days later and Calabria sent a copy of her will to Empress Isabel
‘so that Your Majesty can see the bequest of the pearls that she left to the Most Serene Infanta’.
In 1998, in an article entitled ‘Sobre una posible hija’, Jaime de Salazar drew attention to these two documents, and suggested that Infanta Isabel of Castile was the fruit of a liaison between the emperor and Germaine. Manuel Fernández Álvarez accepted this identification in both Felipe II y su tiempo and Carlos V: el César, but neither he nor Salazar cited any evidence except Germaine’s will and Calabria’s covering letter. Admittedly, the night before he died, King Ferdinand wrote a letter begging his grandson ‘always to take care to aid and succour Her Serene Majesty, my most dear and much loved wife’, but incest with one’s step-grandmother seems improbable, even for a Habsburg.
In an article, Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent argued that Isabel was a descendant of the last Trastámara kings of Naples and that she died in 1550. He asserted that ‘of Castile’was an error, and that ‘daughter’was just a courtesy term applied to all female relatives of the emperor. In 2012, Pere María Orts i Bosch offered another identification in an article entitled ‘Margarida o Isabel’, which argued that Germaine left her pearls to Charles’s illegitimate daughter Margarita of Parma, despite the fact that Margarita was never an ‘Infanta of Castile’(indeed she never visited Spain). All these assertions are wrong.
Margaret of Parma by Antonio Moro, 1562
In her biography Germana de Foix, Rosa Ríos Lloret correctly pointed out that the queen’s will proved only that Charles had a daughter named Isabel, who was alive in 1536 (although apparently unmentioned in any other source). It did not identify her mother. Moreover, the fact that Calabria offered to send his late wife’s legacy to the empress, rather than to Charles, suggested that the Infanta was not illegitimate –otherwise the duke would surely have written secretly to the emperor.
So who was she? An entry in a genealogy of Charles composed in French offers a clue. The author stated that Charles and his wife Isabeau of Portugal had four children, namely Philip, Ferdinand (who died in infancy), Isabeau and Joanna. Confirmation that the name ‘Isabeau’ was not an error comes from Francesc Joan, a Valencian chronicler, who recorded in his Llibre de memòries the births of all members of the royal family according to the name by which they were known in Valencia. In 1527 he recorded the name of Charles’s heir as ‘Felip Joan’ (and continued to refer to him thus until 1555), and the following year he noted the birth of a sister, ‘Doña Isabel’.
Portrait of María of Austria, 1557
Since Germaine of Foix was vicereine of Valencia in 1536, the notary who drew up her will no doubt adopted the Valencian name for the emperor’s elder daughter. Therefore ‘on account of the great love that we feel for His Highness’, Germaine bequeathed her finest necklace to the Most Serene Infanta known as María in Castile and Isabel in Valencia. This identification is confirmed by the inventory of the precious goods left by Empress Isabel at her death in 1539, and divided between her three surviving children in 1551. The lengthy dossier includes a letter sent by Charles to his daughter María, at the time queen of Bohemia and regent in Spain, with the clause:
‘Item: it is our will that you, queen of Bohemia, should receive the 133 pearls of Queen Germaine.’
This is obviously the item left to the ‘Infanta Isabel of Castile’ in Germaine’s will. Since the inventory valued each pearl at forty-five ducats, the string of 133 large pearls was indeed a magnificent legacy –and it can still be admired today in a portrait of María from circa 1557 that hangs in Schloss Ambras. The emperor did not sire a daughter named Isabel: neither with Queen Germaine nor with anyone else.
Source:
Geoffrey Parker, Emperor: A New Life of Charles V
Isabel of Portugal & Juana of Castile
In the absence of any record that Isabel of Portugal doubted Juana’s condition, and given how completely Juana’s “madness” was the accepted explanation for her long seclusion, it is very likely that Isabel of Portugal did believe the reports of her mother-in-law’s insanity.
In practical terms, Isabel lacked the legal and political authority to alter or challenge Juana’s confinement. The queen’s custody was strictly regulated by royal orders and overseen by the Council; only Charles V possessed the power to change the conditions of her seclusion. Although Isabel made efforts to improve Juana’s daily treatment and material circumstances, she had no ability to release her mother-in-law without the emperor’s explicit authorization. Her role was therefore limited to supervising and humanizing the domestic administration of Tordesillas, always within the boundaries set by dynastic policy and the broader interests of the Habsburg crown. Though Juana’s isolation and frail health limited meaningful interaction, the available evidence suggests that Isabel showed genuine concern for her mother-in-law’s dignity and well-being.
Isabel, in her years as regent of Spain during Charles’s absences, visited her mother-in-law on more than one occasion. For example, in Christmas 1536 the imperial couple and their three children spent the holidays at the queen’s side. The interactions were thus largely calm and decorous. There is no record of open conflict or cruelty by Isabel; on the contrary, Isabel’s presence on family visits indicates affection. Juana, for her part, appears to have welcomed Isabel. The queen is said to have been broadly affectionate toward her daughter-in-law. Juana was much satisfied with Isabel’s company and welcomed any news of her family.
The treasure of Juana of Castile at Tordesillas—including jewels, silver, tapestries, books, liturgical objects, furniture, and so on—began to be gradually depleted. It is known that her relatives took part of these possessions for personal use, to provide wedding dowries, or to fund wars. Empress Isabel is documented as having received portions of Juana’s treasure, especially jewels and crosses, which became part of her own imperial household and personal adornment.
Sources:
Manuel Fernández Álvarez, Carlos V: El César y el Hombre (Espasa Calpe, 1999).
Bethany Aram, Juana the Mad: Sovereignty and Dynasty in Renaissance Europe (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005).
Geoffrey Parker, Emperor: A New Life of Charles V (Yale University Press, 2019).
Isabel de Portugal & Catherine de Medici
Isabel of Portugal and Catherine de Medici share an intriguing historical connection as politically influential queens of Renaissance Europe. Isabel served as regent of the Spanish Empire during Charles V’s absences, overseeing administration with prudence and authority, while Catherine exercised dominant political power in France, both as regent and as a key stateswoman during her sons’ reigns. Beyond governance, both women were significant patrons of culture and diplomacy, fostering the arts, literature, and alliances that shaped their courts and the broader European political landscape.
Their dynastic link is equally remarkable. Isabel of Portugal was the mother of King Philip II of Spain, while Catherine de Medici was the mother of his third wife, Elisabeth of Valois. Through this marriage, the two royal lineages intertwined, and their bond was further reinforced by the birth of Philip II and Elisabeth’s daughters, the infantas Isabel Clara Eugenia and Catalina Micaela.
While Empress Isabel had died decades before the birth of her two granddaughters at the Spanish court and therefore played no role in their upbringing, Catherine de Medici — alive and politically active during their childhood — did exercise the role of a contemporary grandmother. She took a keen interest in Isabel Clara Eugenia and Catalina Micaela, received reports about them, and even requested their portraits, thus forming a living generational link that Isabel of Portugal herself could not experience.
The personalities of Isabel Clara Eugenia and Catalina Micaela reveal the dual inheritance of their grandmothers. The influence of Catherine de Medici is most evident in Catalina Micaela, whose diplomatic skill, social tact, and courtly sophistication reflect the Medicean tradition of negotiation and subtle influence. Isabel Clara Eugenia, while more reserved, demonstrated refined taste and careful diplomatic competence, though expressed through the disciplined and sober lens of Habsburg governance.
Among the two sisters, Isabel Clara Eugenia most clearly embodied the compassion and benevolent disposition associated with Isabel of Portugal. Her governance of the Spanish Netherlands was marked by clemency, empathy, and a consistent effort to avoid unnecessary bloodshed. She demonstrated a charitable and approachable manner toward her subjects and attendants alike, earning contemporary descriptions of her as “humane, gracious, and devout.” Catalina Micaela, while equally pious, exhibited her virtues more in the sphere of vitality, social grace, and diplomatic skill, reflecting the Valois–Medici lineage, rather than an emphasis on compassion or charitable conduct.
Sources:
R. J. Knecht, Catherine de’ Medici (London: Longman, 1998), 45–47.
Geoffrey Parker, Philip II (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), 152–155.
Magdalena S. Sánchez, The Empress, the Queen, and the Nun: Women and Power at the Court of Philip III (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 32–34.
Yolanda Rodríguez Pérez (ed.), Queenship in the Spanish Empire (Amsterdam University Press, 2021), 88–92.
R. Trevor Davies, The Golden Century of Spain, 1501–1621 (London: Macmillan, 1961), 221–224.
Elena Woodacre & Meghan K. Roberts (eds.), Queens and Power in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge, 2017), 115–118.
J. H. Elliott, Spain, Europe and the Wider World, 1500–1800 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009).
How Blanca Suárez sees Isabel of Portugal
"The first time she appears in the series she is 15 years old, and she dies at 36. She is a serene girl, but she’s one of those people who, when you look at them, you sense a special weight. She has the weight of a rock, yet at the same time she is very light. She is delicate, cultured, and very clear-minded. She knows that her engagement to Charles will come to fruition, and she has all the patience in the world to wait for the right and proper moment for it to happen.
Historically, it is known that she was very active throughout the entire reign, that she would take over from Charles when he was away traveling, and she made decisions and managed the kingdom. And Charles also placed her on the front line, at his level, making her his companion in every sense. Although marriages at that time were arranged for political convenience, it is said of them that when they met, they fell in love, and theirs was a sincere marriage of true love."