Me(n)talhead's Crypt. @metal-caput - Tumblr Blog

Posts

emptydyingdolls

rip layne & kurt

veil-of-lament

oh well.

cherrypieguy

Crowley as Penitent Magdalene by Mateo Cerezo

thevoyagerblog

Beyond the Margins: The Burakumin of Japanby Himaghna Bandyopadhyay

The social question of caste is not peculiar to India, rather, it is a global matter. A.M. Hocart, in his publication Les Castes (a fairly older publication but still relevant), highlights the most apparent existence of caste in the countries of India, Iran and Japan. Features of caste all over the world share some common characteristics such as a hierarchical order (not always fixed) tied to the notions of purity and impurity and therefore, based on presumptions of superiority and inferiority. Nonetheless, the most fascinating record of caste is the case of Burakumin in Japan. The caste system in Japan was divided in a four-fold division of society: Samurai (warriors), farmers, artisan craftsmen, and merchants, while the Burakumin were referred to as the “outcastes”. It was the Burakumin community who were the “Dalits” of Japan. The Burakumin community handled killings of the animals, burial of the dead and all those activities that carry the notion of filth. However, the origin of Burakumin caste identity is fairly recent, originating around the early sixteenth century in comparison to caste identity. An important feature in this particular identity emerges in relation to religion, particularly Buddhism. Swapna Samel in her paper has argued that the “outcaste” identity of the Buraku people is based on a negative overtone with Buddhism, which popularized the doctrine of nonviolence to animals, hence stigmatized their identity to that of an outsider. Around the early seventeenth century the notion of eta (pollution in abundance) and binin (nonhuman) were attached to the Burakumin.

A line of comparison can be drawn between the untouchables in India and the Buraku people in Japan. The similarities range from segregation from religious sites to living in the periphery of a village or in a different village altogether. An interesting aspect of this segregated livelihood is that Burakumin, until they mixed or interacted with any other members of the caste hierarchy, enjoyed a certain amount of autonomy and had their own political hierarchy where the highest position was allocated to the community chief. Their “outcaste” status, however, did not prohibit them from recruitment in “non-outcaste” jobs in the urban or rural space such as farming or fishing, as long as they followed their norms which ranged from obeying signs of subservience (like wearing the headgear) to prohibition from intermarrying with the ryomin (good people vis a vis the higher castes). These features clearly resonate with the characteristics of untouchability with which we, Indians, are extremely familiar. However, a stark difference lies in the progression of this identity. While in India we find that it was the British whose measures of decennial censuses and other anthropometric practices froze the earlier flexible caste hierarchy, the agents that initiated this change among the Burakumin were different. With the Meiji restoration of the Imperial dynasty (1867-1889), what also developed was an Emancipation Edict that aimed to create a national citizenry which legally eliminated the caste system. In response to the elimination an alternate form of identification known as Shinheimin (new commoners) was instituted. Instead of emerging as a positive change, this froze their position in the hierarchy and further made their livelihood difficult. The emancipation edict discontinued the caste system but it was on a national scale. Beneath the surface, local customs still dictated community practices of the Buraku people and maintained the hierarchy through occupation and strict marriage rules, thus continuing the discrimination. Furthermore, with a category of identification (caste) now nowhere in existence, the Buraku people struggled to preserve their community identity, even though it was based along outcaste lines, by diets, manners, dialects different from the other, mostly the upper castes. This further consolidated the Burakumin community, which earlier possessed flexibility as they could perform non menial tasks as mentioned above. June A. Gordon also highlights that the emancipation edict eliminated the protection on the monopolies that the Burakumin held in certain trades, such as leather processing. She also points out that their isolated land located outside village boundaries was now accumulated and redistributed by the state leaving them landless. So, it was not the British who paved the way for the essentialization of the Buraku people. Rather, it was the initiative of emancipation within the state that instigated a form of essentialization which then went on to be actuated both by local customs and by the Buraku people themselves without state interference.

But what sparked my interest in Burakumin is their mention in a web series named House M.D (Season 3 episode 7). In the series, the protagonist Dr. Gregory House refers to the Burakumin as an inspiration for him to become a doctor. He emphasized the “outcaste” status of the Buraku people and how everyone treated them with malice, but at the same time also highlighted how no one ever questioned them in their task. Whatever they did, they did with perfection. There is no factual evidence to support this claim, but what I would like to extract from the following is that there might be a possibility that by doing their assigned tasks with utmost respect and perfection they hoped to gain some form of inclusion in the society and liberation from their discrimination.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

A.M. Hocart, Les Castes, 1938

Swapna Samel, Burakumin – A Japanese Marginal Group: Japan's Hidden People Fight to Gain Equality, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol 70, Jstor, 2009-2010. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44147725.

June A. Gordon, Caste in Japan: The Burakumin, Biography, vol 40, no. 1, Jstor, 2017. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26405020.

anneangel

Bilbo: It happens a lot? That you have to receive unexpected visitors? Elrond: … That moment when an unexpected visitor arrives at your house and you have to change your pleasant outfit for a more beautiful and uncomfortable one, and act polite and cordially? Bilbo: that's right, and it's not that I don't like receiving visitors, but I would like to meet them first and invite them myself, instead of them appearing out of nowhere without communicating or warning in advance. Elrond: And it's not enough to receive the inconvenient visit, you have to smile and offer your best hospitality. Bilbo: and yet the inconvenient visitor doesn't realize that they are being inconvenient, and still accept the food you offered because decorum dictates that you offer it, but you didn't really want to share it. Elrond: and we stand there, in the corner, thinking to yourself that our favorite part of the house we'd like to show off is- Elrond and Bilbo: the way out! Bilbo: finally someone who understands me! And when the visitors finally decides to leave we will wave and tell that they should stay a longer, even though in our thoughts we are thanking Eru, and all the Valar, for them finally leaving! It is not? Elrond: Yes, it's exactly like that. Now that we're on the same terms, on the same page, now that you understand… Uhh… You're not such a bad visitor, but… When you and your dwarves and wizard leaving? I already have the terrible feeling of anxiety that your friends 'll live here indefinitely. Bilbo: errr!

neil-gaiman

Neeil ! Yesterday was GO 5th birthday and we didn't have any treat like an obscure line from the script !

You're right.

Here, I will tell you something about Season 3.

The word Pedometer is in it.

crowleysgirl56

Us, two years from now when we hear the word Pedometer in season 3.

fuckyeahgoodomens

Season 3 of Good Omens will be like...

It's my 1 year anniversary on Tumblr 🥳

I guess this will look silly when I look back on this later on. But it's nice. :')

#1 year tumblrversary #tumblr milestone

sunncourts

for me, the heart of monkey man was its immense love for india, and the confidence of articulating that love through representation and criticism—the things that make india beautiful are not the colorist, hindu-nationalist propoganda stories of bollywood but largeness of the diaspora: indians who trans, who are muslim, who have been oppressed by their government, who are unacknowledged by society, etc—and prevail despite the odds stacked against them. they are encouraged to be themselves and fight against these occupational forces.

major props to dev patel for showing that hey, you actually can make a movie about indians in a way that perfectly encapsulates the various cultures, mythologies, AND egregious political climate, while also highlighting indian people and giving them the recognition and respect they often don't recieve in western—OR bollywood—canon. now that we know it's possible (it always was) i want more! thanks!

(also it helped that he was either in a suit, shirtless, or covered in blood [sometimes two at a time] for most of this movie. dev patel, i literally only need one chance...)

thevoyagerblog

The First Women in Indian Medicine by Utsha Sinha

The First Indian Women in MedicineWestern medicine, introduced as part of the British imperial "civilizing" agenda, enabled Indian women to access medical education by 1885. However, akin to Lata Mani's analysis of the debates around Sati, women were never the real focus of these reforms. Nonetheless, its impact on women's lives was profound. Two pioneering figures in Indian medicine exemplify this struggle.Dr Anandibai Joshee, born Yamuna Joshi in 1865 to Ganpatrao Joshi, hailed from an orthodox Maharashtrian family. Married at age 10 to reformist Gopalrao Joshee, her resolve to pursue medicine intensified after losing her infant at 12 due to inadequate healthcare. Influential figures like Pandita Ramabai and B.F. Carpenter provided indispensable moral, social, and financial support. Anandibai enrolled at the Women’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, becoming the first Indian woman to earn a Western Medicine degree in 1886. Many argue that she was a feminist despite her submissive nature.Another trailblazer, Dr Kadambini Ganguly, née Bose, born in 1861, was the daughter of Brahmo reformer Braja Kishore Basu and wedded to Dwarakanath Ganguly. Despite immense challenges, she became the first woman admitted to Calcutta Medical College, graduating in 1886. However, her journey was marred by misogyny and racism, exemplified by a scathing article in Bangabasi labelling her a "whore" in 1891. This reflected the society's deep-seated resistance to women's upward mobility, argues Sujata Mukherjee. Furthermore, white doctors were disproportionately favored over more qualified Indian female counterparts for hospital appointments, highlighting entrenched racial biases.Today, gender disparities persist in medicine, with women comprising only 6.6% in Orthopedic Surgery, yet significantly higher percentages in Obstetrics & Gynecology (57.0%) and Pediatric Physicians (63.3%). This highlights how specialized medical fields also become connoted with annotations of gender biases, reflecting the fixed societal perceptions of gender roles. Dr Betsy Grunch, a neurosurgeon, underscores the continued challenges, citing remarks like, "You won't be able to have a family..." and “That’s hard work, I don’t know if you'll manage” that are still in vogue while addressing women who are engaged in the medical profession. However, it is crucial to look at how far women have progressed in medicine and also extend recognition to other notable women like Dr. Rukhmabai, Dr. Annie Wardlaw Jagannadham, Dr. Gurubai Karmarkar, Dr. Mary Poonen Lukose, and Dr. Rupa Bai Furdoonji. Their achievements serve as a testament to the ongoing pursuit of gender equity and social justice in medicine, inspiring future generations.

Sources:

“Instagram,” n.d. https://www.instagram.coo/reel/C3-LqQRgENn/?utm_source=ig_web_copy_link&igsh=MzRlODBiNWFlZA==.

Larson, Jennifer. “Medical Specialties with Women Physicians | AMN Healthcare,” June 23, 2023. https://www.amnhealthcare.com/blog/physician/locums/medical-specialties-with-the-most-and-least-women-physicians/.

Mukherjee, Sujata. “WOMEN AND MEDICINE IN COLONIAL INDIA: A CASE STUDY OF THREE WOMEN DOCTORS.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 66 (2005): 1183–93. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44145930.

Image sources:

Fig 1. “Anandi Gopal Joshi (March 31, 1865 - February 26, 1887).” Source: http://xdl.drexelmed.edu/item.php?object_id=001128

Fig 2. “Dr Kadambini Ganguli.” Source: https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/blog/dr-kadambini-ganguli-pioneer-medical-studies-india

Fig 3. “A letter from Anandibai Joshee to Alfred Jones dated June 18, 1883 requesting admission in the Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania.” Source: https://www.saada.org/item/20120711-721

Fig 4. “Dr Kadambini Ganguli’s entry on the Licentiate Register of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh,1893.” Source: https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/blog/dr-kadambini-ganguli-pioneer-medical-studies-india

Fig 5. “Dr Rupa Bai Furdoonji, the world’s first female anesthetist.” Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2933491/

Fig 6. “Gurubai Karmarkar, the second Indian woman to graduate from the Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania in 1886.” Source: https://www.saada.org/item/20120824-1056

twoheadedfawnn

you ever feel like you were born with something rotten inside you and if people get close enough they’re gonna find out

metal-caput

they already know

thevoyagerblog

Written by Utsha Sinha.

During the Second World War, a staggering demographic of over 200,000 women originating from diverse Southeast and East Asian countries were coerced into forced sexual enslavement by the Japanese Imperial Military's expansion. The majority were Korean, but the issue transcends nationalities. Vulnerable young women, often children, were coerced through deceptive or forceful means, directly or indirectly, by agents operating under the aegis of the Japanese Imperial Army. The term "Comfort Women," a euphemism applied to denote these victims, has been critically addressed as inherently demeaning by many survivors. The main question remains: Whom were they comforting? And did they do so of their own free will, as would be indicative of the term? Survivor Kim Hak-sun provided her seminal testimony in 1991 which opened the floodgates for the cascade of testimonies from subsequent victims. The Kono Statement, articulated by Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on August 4, 1993, constituted Japan's inaugural official acknowledgement of the existence of comfort women. However, revisions in terminology by subsequent administrations and challenges to victims' claims by Prime Minister Abe demonstrate Japan's ambiguity and reluctance to fully accept responsibility, which has opened a doorway into questions like - Are these women just another pawn in the political relations between Seoul and Tokyo? Conservative figures like Moteki Hiromichi contribute to the ongoing discourse, questioning Korean pride and further overlooking the societal patriarchy and psychological trauma inflicted on victimized women. The narratives, however, overlook the enduring patriarchy in South Korean society and lack an understanding of the psychological impact on women victimized by sexual violence, originating from positions of power and manifesting as misogyny. Post-liberation media portrayals exemplify this by diverging, often framing comfort women as morally compromised rather than war victims. Despite several living survivors, many in their 90s, a discernible segment exhibits hesitancy in validating their claims, attributing their scepticism to a perceived dearth of documentation. This scepticism extends beyond political affiliations and is evident within specific segments of the Korean public. As we embark on Women's History Month, we can all delve into the lesser-known facets of discrimination against women and honour their remarkable journey throughout history.

Image &Video sources:

Fig 1. Four Korean comfort women after they were liberated by US-China Allied Forces outside Songshan, Yunnan Province, China on September 7, 1944.

Source: https://www.asianstudies.org/publications/eaa/archives/teaching-about-the-comfort-women-during-world-war-ii-and-the-use-of-personal-stories-of-the-victims/

Fig 2. Kim Hak Sun's First Testimony in 1991 (First Comfort Woman to testify in public)Source: https://www.awf.or.jp/e2/survey.html

Fig 3. Personal war diary of a Japanese officer, entry about a group of 130 Comfort Women sent off to Burma, led by a woman named Tsutako written on 6 July 1942 Source: https://www.projectsonyeo.com/documentsandtestimonies?pgid=kvhf1qlz- d40a605d-9762-4cc8-bde3-7b863649d6a9

Fig 4. Poster of the movie ‘ Sunset in the River Sarbin’ 1965. Portrayal of survivor women as being depraved women in mass culture in post-liberation Korea.

Source: https://mydramalist.com/24558-sunset-in-the-river-sarbin Video 5. KBS News. “VIDEO FOOTAGE OF COMFORT WOMEN BEING RESCUED / KBS뉴스(News).” YouTube, May 29, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mkpL_luCD4Y.

Sources:Jacob, Frank. Genocide and Mass Violence in Asia: An Introductory Reader. Austria: De Gruyter, 2019“Number of Comfort Stations and Comfort Women,” n.d., https://www.awf.or.jp/e1/facts-07.html.

“Who Were the Comfort Women?-Who Were the Comfort Women?,” n.d. https://www.awf.or.jp/e1/facts-00.html. Yōko, Hayashi.

“Issues Surrounding the Wartime ‘Comfort Women.’” Review of Japanese Culture and Society 11/12 (1999): 54–65. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42800182.

alivehouse

can someone hire me as a lighthouse keeper. my grip on reality is soooo stable and i will behave so normally under conditions of extreme isolation. and i promise i wont try to fuck the light