Gender and Politics: Diane Black

[pols-338-fluke]

Sandra Fluke endured a tremendous defeat to fellow democrat Ben Allen in her run for California’s 26th district representative seat, losing by a whooping 60.8% to 39.2%.

Given that Sandra ran for an open seat in an urban majority-minority liberal region, CAWP’s research suggests that Fluke was...

[pols-338-black]

This was super interesting because of how Fluke fit into CAWP inventory yet lost by a large margin. I really like that you addressed how the media portrayed Fluke and her views very differently even though her male opponent's vies were incredibly similar yet somewhat unnoticed. Although I understand that her descriptive representation was not as strong it is still obvious that her gender was a disadvantage to her when it came to speaking out about women's issues and running for a congressional seat. Even in an area where Democrats are strong Fluke had to face more criticism than Allen.   

[pols-338-wdavis]

Wendy Davis lost to Greg Abbott on Tuesday by nearly sixteen percent of the vote. Wendy Davis’ loss does not come as a surprise in terms of the fact that Texas hasn’t had a Democratic governor since the 1990’s. According to Nia Malika Henderson from The Washington Post with Davis’ loss came the...

[pols-338-black]

Davis was fighting a hard battle in a conservative state. As you stated Davis, like many other woman candidates has to balance being "tough" while also presenting feminine enough to fall within traditional gender roles, especially running in a conservative, Southern state. Black has the same issue but is a conservative Republican and therefor is a little different. I also am glad that you mentioned that Davis was greatly outspent by her opponent for it seems to be a common thread between many of the candidates that lost and falls directly with CAWPs findings about women having a harder time raising money for campaigns.  

[pols-338-mendoza-deactivated201]

Sandra Mendoza lost her electoral race for assembly receiving 23.6% of the votes, placing her second amongst her other three opponents. Though a bit disappointing, the end result is not entirely surprising. Her primary opponent was also Latino, an advantage within the majority-minority district,...

[pols-338-black]

What a difference in campaign spending! Definitely backs CAWPs statement about women candidates having more trouble than their male counterparts in raising money for their campaigns. Also interesting that they are so similar aside from their gender yet he received many more votes.  

[pols-338-lawrence]

The midterm elections could not have turned out better. Brenda Lawrence won one of the seats on the House of Representatives by gaining a whopping 76% of the votes. She defeated her republican counterpart Christina Conyers in the fight for Representative Gary Peters’ seat. Peters is making the...

[pols-338-black]

Glad to hear the Lawrence was re-elected with such high percentage of the vote. I find it interesting how she used "stereotypes to her advantages" as well as balancing being "tough" and family values. Black also balances family values and "toughness" in her campaigns and general representation. I hope that soon woman candidates will not have to focus on balancing traditional gender roles while proving they can also be "tough."    

[pols-338-chappellenadal]

So—surprise, surprise—Maria Chappelle-Nadal retained her seat! She was originally running unopposed but at the last minute, supporters of Darren Wilson organized to support Christine Laporta as a write in candidate within the last month. Her platform is basically anti-Maria Chappelle-Nadal as they...

[pols-338-black]

Although they are very different candidates Chappelle-Nadal and Black's incumbency was an aide in re-election. I also find it super interesting that supporters of Darren Wilson chose a woman to support. I wonder if they felt that they had a better chance at victory in supporting another woman to run as opposed to a man.  

[pols-338-black]

Diane Black is Re-elected

Diane Black was re-elected to serve as representative for Tennessee’s 6th congressional district with 71.1% of the vote! Black’s victory over Democrat Amos Powers and Independent Mike Winton is no surprise. As a white, conservative Republican and incumbent Black has proved to be a reliable representative for her district. Black is considered among the most reliable Republican votes, voting along party lines 97.8% of the time in 2013 and 96.1% of the time in 2014 which makes her an easy pick for a majority Republican district who believe that Black represents their political views and values (Ballotpedia). Black’s platform for the 2014 election was similar to those of her past elections with her running under the idea that she is a conservative, fighter and leader who will defend conservative values. According to her website Black is a “fiscal hawk” fighting for a smaller government, a small business owner who is focused on bringing back free market principals, a former nurse fighting to repeal Obamacare, a “tireless” advocate for the rights of the unborn, a handgun carry permit holder and lifetime NRA member (Black). This list is meant to show her constituents that she represents them descriptively (small business owner, handgun owner, NRA member) and substantively (pro-life, small government principals, free market beliefs). According to the election results it appears that her constituents agree.

            Although Black’s representation of women’s issues would be opposed by feminists, Black seems to believe that she is, in fact, addressing women’s issues. Looking at her website and voting history Black presents issues that do pertain to women such as her vehemently pro-life stance and her opposition to Obamacare. Black stated in September that “taxpayer funding of abortion in Obamacare is unacceptable” when addressing the concern that abortion will be covered under insurance provided through Obamacare. Going back to Celis’s reference to the ‘endogenous approach’ in which women’s issues can differ immensely depending on ideology Black’s Christian and conservative ideals greatly affect both her votes on legislation and the bills she puts forward. It is also true in Black’s case that conservative women put forth legislation that directly contests feminist views (155). This idea is proven in much of Blacks voting record. According to an analysis done by staff at On the Issues, Black opposes legislation put forward to require the hiring of women and minorities and strongly opposes the idea that abortion is a woman’s unrestricted right (Ballotpedia). Black’s voting record and stance on these issues are sure to make most, if not all, self-identifying feminists cringe. Black, a previous nurse, often uses her past career to reinforce the idea that she is dedicated to ensuring the welfare of her constituents. According to CAWP inventory female legislators are more likely than males to come from backgrounds in female dominated fields. Black has a history in both healthcare and education which are both mentioned by CAWP. Black uses her career history in attempt both display descriptive and ensure substantive representation. She also uses it to balance her “feminine” and “masculine” qualities in her campaigns.

            Black’s re-election was no surprise. She has the advantage of an incumbency and her conservative constituents seem to agree with both her Christian values and her strong Republican voting record. According to CAWP, women have a harder time being elected in the South because of strong gender roles but Black seems to have found the “perfect balance” in the way in which she presents herself. Although it is ridiculous, I must mention again the photograph of Black in which she is shooting a handgun while wearing a pink sweatshirt, because it is an image that seems to encompass the way in which Black presents herself as woman representative who is able to “fit in with the Southern boys.” From a feminist stance in support of descriptive representation Black’s re-election can be seen as a victory but substantively Black in no way represents feminist agendas, in fact, she opposes them. As a feminist, Black’s victory puts me in an uncomfortable position. I feel strongly that there needs to an equal representation of women in congress as women make up more than half of the nation yet I resent Black and feel that she is in no way an ally for women. 

[pols-338-karmally]

Substantive Representation

Mala Htun’s article, Is Gender like Ethnicity? The Political Representation of Identity Groups, focuses on the concept of guaranteed spaces in the political process for women and ethnic minorities, whether through means of quotas or reserved seats. She argues that...

[pols-338-black]

Texas, like much of the southern U.S. sticks closer to gender roles than much of the country. I find it really interesting that she plays up her feminine qualities more than her work experience of education. Black has very similar descriptive and substantive representation. Black, unlike Karmally, is the same race as the majority of her district yet they both face issues with balancing gender roles and reflecting the 'values' of their district.  

[pols-338-swearengin]

Ashley Swearengin takes a stance fairly significantly in the first article of Gender and Ethnicity and how it ties women to power; secondly the LGBT article ties to her questionable stance in whether she is supportive or not (it is assumed she is, however that is debatable, but it would aid her in...

[pols-338-black]

I find it interesting and frustrating that Swearengin and many other politicians evade questions in regards to LGBTQ rights. It is an incredibly important issue and although, tough for some, feel that it deserves to acknowledged, not avoided.  

[pols-338-lawrence]

In the article “Constituting Women’s Interests through Representative Claims” Karen Celis et al. broke down the current definition of what falls into the category of Women’s issues. Instead of looking at descriptive representation in regards to electing women into office; Celis et al. turn to...

[pols-338-black]

It is interesting to look at Lawrence as falling directly into the findings. As a woman and African american she has descriptive representation for both groups yet seems to balance that well with policy. She believes in women's interests yet expands that under the believe that all things, including healthcare and education, affect women. 

[pols-338-fluke]

The readings this week, focused on substantive representation and descriptive representation and whether they can be interchangeable. I found that Mala Htun’s “Is Gender like Ethnicity? The Political Representation of Identity Groups” and “Constituting Women’s Interests Through Representative...

[pols-338-black]

Its really interesting that Fluke's representation is not descriptive in the form of LGBTQ community, it is substantive. I feel that often it is easiest to rely on descriptive representation because is it is the most obvious, yet often it is necessary to look into policy and ideology instead of physical appearance, sexual orientation or ethnicity. 

[pols-338-black]

Substantive Representation

            In the case of Diane Black it could be said that her representation of Tennesse’s sixth district is both substantive and descriptive. She is a white woman who represents and primarily white district as well as never swaying from her conservative views. The two articles most applicable to Black’s situation in the legislature were “Constitution Women’s Interests through Representative Claims” by Karen Celis et al and “Is Gender like Ethnicity? The Political Representation of Identity Groups,” by Mala Htun.

            Black could be defined as having no part in representing women’s interests if following Celis’s statement that women’s interests are along the lines of “women’s traditional roles within patriarchal societies, as shape by their bodies, sexuality, and possible giving birth; women’s participation in the labor market; and women’s opportunities to transform their roles to attain greater gender equality,” (153). Black, being a conservative and Christian seems to play up her traditional role while holding a powerful position in the legislature. According to the way in which Celis defined women’s interests Black would appear to be somewhat of an anti-feminist. Yet another approach to defining women’s issues is mentioned. This is the ‘endogenous approach’ in which it is argued that it is important to explore the ways in which ideology shapes how legislatures think about women’s interests. Black’s ideology as a conservative Christian ultimately shapes how she treats policy in regards to women. Wendy Smooth, an author referred to in Celis’s piece, argues that it is important to ask “which women’s interests?”. Smooth’s statement really refers to the fact that often women’s interests become homogenized and therefor it is those with privilege that have the ability to affect policy. Black’s case can be argued that although women’s interests are thought of in connection with feminism, conservative women feel equally as passionate about their view of what women’s interests are. Celis even mentions that conservative women put forth ideologies and legislation that directly contests those presented by feminists (155). Black’s representation is substantive. She is a woman representing a religious, conservative area and her ideologies and legislative behavior relate directly to the views of her district. For Black, women’s interests involve pro-life legislation and standing for ‘family values’. Although most feminists would adamantly disagree with Black that her legislative behavior is in any way helping women it comes to the fact that women’s interests are not homogenous or even similar at times.

            The second article, “Is Gender like Ethnicity? The Political Representation of Identity Groups,” by Mala Htun, did not directly relate to Black but there was an interesting statement in regards to the struggle for quotas in France. In this case women from different parties banned together in order to push for quotas yet after quotas were implemented, reverted back to their original ideologies and obligations. This shows that women will act together if retain something yet once they have attained it realign themselves to their previous categories (Htun, 451). This I found interesting because of the seriously polarized Unites States congress. This increasing polarization between parities has forced women to stick closer to party lines than ever before. In the case of Black and her idea of women’s interests she seems to never stray from her conservative views in order to work with other women. Although the U.S. congress is in no form gender equal there does not seem to be any sort of cause drawing women, especially conservative women, to work together which is incredibly disappointing.     

[pols-338-black]

Continuing with the research conducted by the Center for American Women in Politics (CAWP) Congresswoman Diane Black supports the fact that women in state legislative office are more likely to have backgrounds in female dominated fields such as health and education than their male counterparts….

[pols-338-lawrence]

It was smart of you to go and look at the threads on the media posts about Black, but I think that those threads are people who are unsupportive of Black as a candidate and resort to making sexist comments. I do definitley agree that sexism in media coverage in womens campaigns is always present. On another topic; Black’s background as a nurse is surprising but also a nice change from the general professions that politicials held before the offices they do now.

[pols-338-black]

What I was referring to was a number of articles I read from different news sources but most specifically an article in the Atlantic. These articles were neither for Black or against her but simply using her as a representation of an extremely wealthy person serving in congress. After reading your comment I can definitely see how it would look as though I was referring to an internet 'thread' instead of a commonality between articles.  

[pols-338-karmally]

Descriptive Representation (2)

The CAWP report spends time discussing the development of women gaining endorsements and positions of power within their party organizations. To this day, there is a clear dearth of women in positions of high leadership in state and federal party organizations,...

[pols-338-black]

It is interesting how strengths in candidacy vary so much by district. The endorsements Karmally has received, her physical and ideological strengths would make it very difficult for her to run in a district such as the one Black represents currently and is seeking re-election for. 

[pols-338-karmally]

Descriptive Representation (1)

Sameena Karmally is an Indian-born American citizen running to represent House District 89 in Northern Texas. Her family moved to Texas from India when she was a toddler, and she’s spent most of her life immersed in her home state - living, working, attending university, and starting her own young family in Texas. After years of practicing law, she is running as a challenger to the current assemblywoman, Jodie Laubenberg. Laubenberg is a Republican woman who has held her seat since 2002, in the time authoring and co-authoring many bills related to abortion restrictions, sexual education restrictions, and more. Against Laubenberg, Karmally seems to face a few disadvantages as a challenging Democrat woman of color in a largely white, republican district. Her opponent, on the other hand, has the advantage of her state’s politics on her side as well as being an incumbent. However, according to the Center for American Women in Politics (CAWP), there is a trend in American politics in which women tend to run either against fellow women or for an open seat due to the fact that these elections tend to have a more favorable outcome for placing women into legislatures. According to this, Karmally faces fewer disadvantages than she would if she were running against a man.

    According to the CAWP women in politics are often compartmentalized into legislating for what are considered “women’s issues” - health care, childcare and children’s rights, education, and matters considered to be in the interest of women. Predominantly white male politicians often overlook these particular issues (whether through ignorance, over thought, or a feeling that these issues are unimportant) and as a result of this lack of fair representation in American legislatures, these issues often fall into the hands of our elected women. Whether this hand dealt for women in politics is a fair representation of what female leaders want to be legislating on or not, it appears to be what Sameena Karmally has built her ticket on. In this way, she follows very closely what the CAWP has found to be typical patterns for women in politics. Her website’s “About Me” sections outlines her education, her work experience in practicing law, and her family life. Here, however, she strays from what the CAWP says is common of women in politics. Whereas the CAWP claims that women often feel that they must emphasize their accomplishments and leadership experience while downplaying their home life and more “feminine” qualities in order to appear equally qualified to their male counterparts, Karmally seems to do the opposite. Though she is highly qualified and lists her degrees (a BA, MA, and JD) and law experience, her emphasis is put largely on her home life and family. She explains her choice to switch from her full time law practice to being a full time stay-at-home mother and the charities and organizations she participates in - many of them in the realm of children’s interests and health care.

    This choice is an interesting one, especially once you consider the demographics of her district, her state, and her region. It’s no secret that the socioeconomic politics of the south tend to side with the more traditional and the more conservative. Though this pattern is changing and there are certainly exceptions, a large part of the culture of the south remains based in social roles and tradition. Karmally’s choice to emphasis her role as a mother and a caretaker in the face of a politically conservative region of the Greater Dallas area is one that, by design, avoids party lines. Instead of emphasizing her position as a Democrat in a red district, and a woman of color in a majority Caucasian district, she focuses on something that is a common experience for many - family and their well being. Whether Republican or Democrat, family is a common thread between both sides of the aisle.

[pols-338-gagnier]

It is defiantly interesting that despite what the CAWP says your candidate has chosen to emphasize her family life rather than down play it. I think you are right to say that this is a result of the district and state that Karmally is running for. If she did not show that she had these “traditional values” I do not think she’s get a lot of voters in a state like Texas. My candidate is running in California, so she brings special attention to the fact that she is concentrating on her career, does not have a family, and has a law degree in technology. It shows how Democratic women from each state have to strategize in order to get the votes of their constituents. Hopefully Karmally’s appeal to family will help her win over voters in a state that is so dominated by Republicans!

[pols-338-black]

Although our candidates differ in many ways it sounds as thought they represent themselves similarly. I am sure that it is partially because they are both running in southern states where gender roles are slightly stronger. Black sight and 'about me' sections also plays up her more traditionally feminine roles as nurse, educator and mother while including masculine terminology in other areas. 

[pols-338-smith-blog]

The second half of the reading describes the different ways in which a female candidate’s background, political party, media coverage, and ethnicity effect their election. The evaluation of Smith’s campaign supports many of the different ideas outlined in the reading.

The CAWP research explains...

[pols-338-black]

Glo Smith and Diane Black are similar in the way that they both represent issues along party lines. In my opinion Black concedes to the ultra-conservative part of the Republican party and votes consistently on specific agendas supported by the party. All politicians do this but Black's votes never vary. They are also both Republican women focused on getting rid of Obamacare.  

[pols-338-chappellenadal]

Before we examine how Maria Chappelle-Nadal challenges or re-enforces our CAWP Inventory reading, I want to establish a basic profile of who she is as a politician. Maria Chappelle-Nadal is a mixed descent (Puerto Rican/African American) Democrat Senator for District 14 in the state of...

It is common that women in legislative office feel the need to represent womens issues and are in many ways pressured to be become "surrogate representatives." It is interesting to me that the focus on certain issues, most specifically abortion and reproductive rights, are so different between Republican and Democratic women in the legislature. Diane Black is Republican and vehemently pro-life where many Democratic women are equally passionate on the other side of the issue. 

[pols-338-black]

Descriptive Representation 2

Continuing with the research conducted by the Center for American Women in Politics (CAWP) Congresswoman Diane Black supports the fact that women in state legislative office are more likely to have backgrounds in female dominated fields such as health and education than their male counterparts. Although Black is now a national congresswoman, like many others she began her career in the state legislature. For men in congress it is much more common to see backgrounds in business and law. In her biography Black presents herself as a nurse, small business owner, and educator thus directly reflecting CAWP’s conclusions. This is also prevalent in most of Black’s legislative activity and is used often in her explanations and speeches. It is common to hear Black refer to her background as a nurse or educator as she attributes her opinion to a certain issue. An example of this would be a statement made by her in regards to her pro-life beliefs, “When I became a nurse over 40 years ago, I took a vow to "devote myself to the welfare of those committed to my care," whether they were born or unborn.”   

            A serious issue in regards to women in politics lies within the difference in media coverage between women and men. Although according to CAWP the amount of coverage has somewhat equalized sexist coverage is still a prevalent issue. In Black’s case I was unable to find overtly sexist coverage and was pleasantly surprised yet there was one subversively sexist thread throughout many articles. This is that when mentioning Black’s net worth, up to $74 million, the money is often attributed to her husband. Although it is true that much of their shared income is from Aegis Sciences Corporation which is a company founded by her husband it is also true that the majority of their net worth is from the sale of a large stake that took place in 2010 and was a mutual decision. I can see how this seems reaching but the problem with sexist coverage in the media is that it is often subtle, it can be argued that if it was always overt then it would be less detrimental. In each article I read about her net worth it was somehow necessary to mention that it was her husband who founded the company, even though the success of the company along with the sale of a large stake, involved both parties equally.

            Although Black, as a case, supports much of the research done by CAWP, she is a strong outlier in regards to women and campaign fundraising for 2013-2014. According to CAWP women often feel they face more obstacles than men when seeking financial support for their campaigns and this is especially prevalent in regards to Republican women. Black has done quite well and falls slightly above average in compared to other members of the same chamber running for election. Black is an outlier for this year but it is entirely possible that the reason is she is an incumbent. For her 2009-2010 fundraising cycle Black was far below average in funds raised and had over $1million in debts thus supporting CAWP’s conclusion that women often face more obstacles in raising funds.