#antiscaf

[faseunit-blog]

What if it was me?

To all the people who have been telling me lately to ‘calm down’ with the politics or ‘stay safe at home’. Firstly, I apologize for being a source of worry for you. Secondly, what type of person would I be if I believed in something and didn’t bother to fight for it? That’s right, the worst kind of person: a hypocrite. What confuses me the most is that the ones telling me to stop with my ‘antics’ are the very same people who taught me to fight for what’s right. Let’s agree on some basics: beating children is wrong, beating women is wrong, imprisoning innocent people is wrong, imprisoning children (9-year-olds) in adult prisions is inhumane, letting drug-dealers and thugs go free in order to make room for peaceful protestors in prisons is horrendously wrong. These make up just the tip of the iceberg of things I can personally attest to that the current government does. Are you asking me to stay silent in the face of all this? Still yes? Well then, what if it was me who was beaten, or imprisoned or raped or killed by the security forces? Would you say “poor Fatema, they brainwashed her so thoroughly”? (Really? Me? Brainwashed? As in actually being not just partially, but completely effected by society?  Ha! You’d have an easier time teaching an ostrich complex calculus than get me to bend to the whims of those around me.)  Or would you blame my parents for not “reeling me in”? (HA! If only you saw the arguments we have every time I go down to a march. Certainly, my parents wouldn’t be the ones to blame.)

Or would you put the blame where the blame should be, on the repressive state apparatus that has far surpassed its limit in violence? Now, with my “death” in mind, try telling me, as someone who has had family and friends beaten, detained and killed to stay silent. To just ‘sit at home and stay safe’. Safe eh? My blood is not more valuable than Sonbol’s, Abulrahman’s, Belal’s and countless others. If they risked it all for freedom and democracy, they why the hell shouldn’t I? I’m not saying that I’m trying to sprint my way to martyrdom, as I don’t believe in this, but surely, I have never been one to cower in the corner and let others take the beating. I have prayed istikhara. Several times. And I find that Allah –swt- only gives me more and more opportunities to fight for what is right. It’s an uphill battle to be sure, but it’s one that I will see to the end. #يسقط_يسقط_حكم_العسكر

[menna-tawfik]

قالوا الشقيق بيمُصّ دم الشقيق

والناس ما هيَّاش ناس بحق وحقيق

قلبي رميته وجبت غيره حجر

داب الحجر ... ورجعت قلبي رَقيق

عجبي !!

[menna-tawfik]

It's pathetic How people have that Hatred Capacity .. !

[menna-tawfik]

قالوا حرب علي الإسلام .. فقاوموهم بقول حرب علي الإرهاب .. و كلاهما كاذب .. تسقط كل سلطة مجرمة !

[damatyturbulence]

#disobey #revolt #antiscaf #paperart #graffiti #obey

[matryushka-blog]

In Egypt, resistance from the regime meant that after the elation of seeing Mubarak leave power, many activists were railroaded into a transition plan that has repeatedly tripped over its own lack of coherence.

Initially, the army generals who took charge seemed to look to the Muslim Brotherhood to buy social peace. The initial marches against Mubarak on January 25 had been organised by liberal and leftist activists, and resisted by all major Islamist groups (and both the Muslim and Christian religious establishment) as well as the token liberal opposition parties. Eventually, the sympathisers of these groups joined the uprising, often against the orders of their superiors, who were busy engaging in negotiations with the regime to calm the public's uproar. This strategy did not work and ultimately the army was forced to push Mubarak out.

From then on, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (Scaf) has spent much of its time stalling. It took over three months to put Mubarak himself, his sons and his key henchmen in jail. Spymaster Omar Suleiman, who was briefly Egypt's strongman in early February when he was appointed vice-president, has not been jailed. The security apparatus remains largely unreformed, and parts of it - notably General Intelligence, Suleiman's former agency, which runs Egypt's foreign policy - are perhaps stronger now than at any time under Mubarak's rule. Police abuse continues, and is now supplemented by lethal methods of crowd control deployed by army soldiers that have claimed, since October, at least 60 lives.

This latest bout of violence is now putting stress on the official history of the Egyptian uprising of 2011, which had been rewritten by Scaf to make it seem like the military sided with the protesters against Mubarak (whereas in fact it tergiversated for two and a half weeks and did nothing to stop the regime-instigated violence during the so-called "Battle of the Camel", the bloodiest episode of the occupation of Tahrir Square.)

The protest movement now stands accused of sowing chaos, just as it was by Mubarak, while the military has arrested thousands

The most prevalent refrain I have heard regarding the protests is "What more do they want? Everyone has resigned. Do they want anarchy?" This is a straw man; the demand of the protesters is not anarchy or leaderlessness but rather to have a legitimate transition government (which SCAF is not), earlier elections, and serious trials for Mubarak and his associates. They demand a transitional authority who--unlike SCAF--will work towards safeguarding human rights and increasing stability as opposed to reinforcing the status quo and exacerbating a chaotic and tense situation. Additionally, they demand a transitional government which incorporates the many voices that have thus far been excluded from the dialogue--notably those of the very people who brought the revolution about. Instead, the current government has denigrated those voices and has actively generated propaganda to discredit them.

In response to the question, "what more do they want," I think it's appropriate to ask, "what did they get?" The goals of the revolution--a democratic society that can offer people political, economic, and  social equality--have yet to be realized nearly a year later. If we take away only romantic notions of revolution and stop before actualizing change, we do a disservice to the hundreds of Egyptian men and women who lost their lives not only during the revolution but throughout Mubarak's bloody regime.

Furthermore, we should take issue with the very framing of the dialogue. The demands of the protesters being construed as some sort of favor or voluntary provision for some omnipotent military unit to bestow upon its subjects is problematic, and that posture only recapitulates the idea of their leadership as "necessary" in nature. That is, if we ask the military to graciously provide people freedom, we are speaking in the very terms in which it has ensconced its authority.

[matryushka-blog]

Most of the mid-ranking officers are completely uninterested in all the patriotic rhetoric. For them it's just stable employment with decent benefits; the majority are pretty naive and not very politically conscious, and the revolution took them by surprise. When 25 January [the outbreak of the revolution] began these officers were instinctively against the protests but once the regime began to crack they were appalled at the stories that emerged of corruption surrounding Mubarak and his cronies. Most became relatively pro-revolution but I think there was some bitterness over the fact that things had clearly been so rotten for so long and yet their generation had done so little about it. Now it was the younger kids who were forcing political change; the older guys felt confused and weren't sure what to believe.

After Mubarak fell and the rule of Scaf (Supreme Council of the Armed Forces) began, the top brass moved quickly to secure the loyalty of all mid-level and junior officers. Whenever a big Friday street demonstration or rally in Tahrir Square took place we would all receive a bonus of between 250 and 500 Egyptian pounds (£26-52), whether or not we had anything to do with policing the protests.

It's ridiculous; at the height of the unrest reserve officer salaries doubled and everyone was getting huge bonuses all the time (an average of 2,400 pounds – £254 – for me in January and February). Most full-time officers didn't really care what was happening politically on the streets, they were just happy with the extra money. Occasionally though you'd hear guilty jokes about how we were the only people who were benefiting from the revolution and the Egyptian people had been screwed over.

The government has bought the loyalty of the Egyptian military for decades; this is only an example of a particularly concise and direct incentive. In a country where most doctors and lawyers make a monthly salary that is not much greater than these alleged bonuses, the military is replete with economic opportunities and incentives. 

[mohamed-ezeldin-blog]

ائتلاف مخبري الثورة

يوم 1\7 الناس نزلت  وقالت يامسهل شوية تضامن على اعتصام لحد يوم 8\7 امت حبايبنا الاخوان فكرو ان الثورة لسة ركوبة وان بما ان الاخوان الفصيل المنظم من 80 سنة وبتاع امت قررو يقودو المظاهرة في اسكندرية وطبعا كعادتهم شغلو الاغاني الوطنية وسط هتافات ضد المجلس والمشير والحكومة والوضع كان بيغلي وبما انهم فصيل "بطيخي" لا لهم في سياسة ولا حاجة لبسو في الحيط ....اه لبسو حتة لبسة عنب....والدليل آلو لووووو ----------------------------- بغض النظر عن ده فاليوم ده ظهر زبون جديد من زباين المجلس اشهرهم " ائتلاف مخبري الثورة" المشهر باسم "ائتلاف شباب الثورة" معاه حزب العدل وغيره من يايدو موقف القوات المسلحة بغض النظر عن هية قوات "مش مسلحة " زي ما عتمان ال او بغض النظر عن ادائها ايه وبتعمل ايه زي ما عملت كشوفات عذرية ومحاكمات عسكرية والقبض على النشطاء وطبعا وهل يخفى القمر؟؟ ونترك للثورة الفرز والتقييمفليسقط حكم العسكر