#great capture

[little-bruised-soul]

Timothée Chalamet at LFF

[sullenwelshheart]

The mic flip!

📸: maxine_howells_photos

[niceexcitingj]

How To Schematize The Ultimate Preponderance Generating Capture Page

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1. Headline: The banner is the most important element. It is the rather thing that a sports editor will see and it needs to seizure their concentration form the low-water mark. Usually headlines are in bold letters irrespective of some neutral tint to them. This helps the motto standout. <\p>

2. Sub Headline: In the sub headline you want to let the reader know what they will learn or what information it pokey get by reading the entire capture page. The sub headline ought begin with action words complement: Absorb, Discover, or Uncover. The idea is to jail hierarchy interested and not enough versus read more.<\p>

3. Salvo Statements: An in the atomization statements, you will provision them on the importance of the input data you are offering. Explain how the information will i myself profit their business and why should my humble self opine thematic development way in the midterm element on the capture page.<\p>

4. Opt-In Box: The opt-in box is the last of the 4 insides. This is where the reader decides if they want more information here and there your product or services. The opt-in orchestra circle usually requires them until provide their pinpoint and email address to receive that information. Your volunteer of newsletters or instructional videos can hic et nunc be sent to them via email.<\p>

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[akio]

It was the fragile situation on the border that prompted Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to say that the opposition's victory in Syria would trigger a civil war in Iraq.

Arab nationalists say that the borders between Arab countries are "artificial" and exist only because of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, which was signed at the beginning of the 20th century. These borders are not based on standards of national identity, geography or history. However, given that nearly a century has passed since borders were drawn between regional countries, social differences between these nations were perpetuated. Despite this fact, what is known today as the "border disputes file" is still a source of crisis between most countries in the region.

While the border between Iraq and Syria has not witnessed deep disputes regarding territorial membership, the distribution of residents along the extent of the border has been a constant cause for concern for the authorities in both nations.

Furthermore, the Shamar tribe — one of the largest Arab tribes, whose members originally migrated from Hail and Najad in Saudi Arabia — is concentrated on both sides of the border in the Iraqi province of Mosul and the Syrian province of Hasakah. In addition, other tribes and families are spread out on both sides of the border in the Iraqi city of al-Qaim in Anbar province and the Syrian city of Abu Kamal. In the areas between these cities, geography overcomes nationality and the  border practically dissolves. Similarly, there is a narrow strip of border, represented by the Faysh Khabur crossing point, which separates Kurdish areas in Iraq and Syria and which was outside the control of the authorities in both countries.

Historical facts indicate that until the beginning of the twentieth century, the Syrian cities of Abu Kamal, al-Mayadeen and Deir al-Zour were on the Iraqi side of the border drawn up by the Ottomans between the Syrian and Iraqi vilayets. This even remained the case following the British occupation of Iraq and the French occupation of Syria. However, things changed after 1919, when Syrian tribes launched attacks on the cities and imprisoned a number of British officers who were stationed in the area. This led to Britain acknowledging that these cities were within Syria's borders.

Moreover, the presence of Shamar tribes in the region is linked to a type of historical independence. Most of the tribes elders and members hold both Iraqi and Syrian citizenship, and many of them even have Saudi or Qatari citizenship.

This overlap in language, history, family relationships and economic interdependence between both sides of the border did not weaken in the mid-1990s, nearly 30 years after the political estrangement between the two countries. At that time, the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and that of Hafez al-Assad — Bashar al-Assad's father — in Syria, acknowledged that they could not control the border or smuggling operations between the two sides. 

The Syrian unrest in 2011 was enough to stimulate new ideas including changing the border. For the first time, religious calls emerged in support of redrawing the border to unify Sunni regions on both sides. In the meantime, fears increased among the Shiite authorities in Baghdad and southern Iraq, who were worried that Sunni areas in Iraq would transform into a stronghold for Syrian revolutionaries, or that Syria would transform into a stronghold for Iraqi Sunnis who oppose the Baghdad regime.

While these fears are certainly strengthened by the fragile border situation, even worse was the fragility of the regime in both countries. These political regimes have failed to instill a sense of national belonging among citizens, causing nationalist, religious and sectarian affiliations to be pushed to the forefront.

What happened at the Yaarabiya-Rabia crossing was not a military confrontation in the strictest sense of the word, but rather was an extension of the national turmoil on both sides of the border. This turmoil is likely to expand and take on a more dangerous image in the future. 

Mushreq Abbas 

[akio]

Half Irish, half Libyan.

The guy is real smart. 

(Reuters) - Veteran fighters of last year's civil war in Libya have come to the front-line in Syria, helping to train and organize rebels under conditions far more dire than those in the battle against Muammar Gaddafi, a Libyan-Irish fighter has told Reuters.

Hussam Najjar hails from Dublin, has a Libyan father and Irish mother and goes by the name of Sam. A trained sniper, he was part of the rebel unit that stormed Gaddafi's compound in Tripoli a year ago, led by Mahdi al-Harati, a powerful militia chief from Libya's western mountains.

Harati now leads a unit in Syria, made up mainly of Syrians but also including some foreign fighters, including 20 senior members of his own Libyan rebel unit. He asked Najjar to join him from Dublin a few months ago, Najjar said.

The Libyans aiding the Syrian rebels include specialists in communications, logistics, humanitarian issues and heavy weapons, he said. They operate training bases, teaching fitness and battlefield tactics.

Najjar said he was surprised to find how poorly armed and disorganized the Syrian rebels were, describing Syria's Sunni Muslim majority as far more repressed and downtrodden under Assad than Libyans were under Gaddafi.

"I was shocked. There is nothing you are told that can prepare you for what you see. The state of the Sunni Muslims there - their state of mind, their fate - all of those things have been slowly corroded over time by the regime."

"I nearly cried for them when I saw the weapons. The guns are absolutely useless. We are being sold leftovers from the Iraqi war, leftovers from this and that," he said. "Luckily these are things that we can do for them: we know how to fix weapons, how to maintain them, find problems and fix them."

In the months since he arrived, the rebel arsenal had become "five times more powerful", he said. Fighters had obtained large caliber anti-aircraft guns and sniper rifles.

Disorganization is a serious problem. Unlike the Libyan fighters, who enjoyed the protection of a NATO-imposed no-fly zone and were able to set up full-scale training camps, the rebels in Syria are never out of reach of Assad's air power.

"In Libya, with the no-fly zone, we were able to build up say 1,400 to 1,500 men in one place and have platoons and brigades. Here we have men scattered here, there and everywhere."

LACK OF UNITY

Although many rebel units fight under the banner of the Free Syrian Army, their commands are localized and poorly coordinated, Najjar said.

"One of the biggest factors delaying the revolution is the lack of unity among the rebels," he said. "Unfortunately, it is only when their back is up against the wall that they start to realize they should (unite)."

Syria's uprising has evolved into an all-out civil war with sectarian overtones, pitting the mainly Sunni rebels against security forces dominated by Assad's minority Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shi'ite Islam. Assad is backed by Shi'ite-led Iran and opposed by most Arab states, which are ruled by Sunnis.

"This is not just about the fall of Assad. This is about the Sunni Muslims of Syria taking back their country and pushing out the minority that have been oppressing them for generations now," Najjar said.

The presence of foreign fighters is a sensitive issue for Syria's rebels. Assad's government has taken to referring to the rebels as "Gulf-Turkish forces", accusing the Sunni-led Arab Gulf states and Turkey of arming, funding and leading them.

Harati's unit is known as the Umma Brigade, referring to the global community of Muslims. Najjar said thousands more Sunni fighters from the Arab world were gathering in neighboring countries prepared to join the cause.

Harati is reluctant to enlist them because he does not want his cause tarnished by the perception that foreign Islamists are linked to al Qaeda, Najjar said, but he said that many of the foreigners were making their way to Syria on their own.

The Umma Brigade's Facebook page shows a picture of Najjar aiming his rifle in what looks like an open field. In another he is posing with Harati and rebels. A YouTube video shows Harati leading an attack on a checkpoint in Maarat al-Numan in Syria.

Najjar said militancy would spread across the region as long as the West does not do more to hasten the downfall of Assad.

"The Western governments are bringing this upon themselves. The longer they leave this door open for this torture and this massacre to carry on, the more young men will drop what they have in this life and search for the afterlife," Najjar said.

"If the West and other countries do not move fast it will no longer be just guys like me - normal everyday guys that might do anything from have a cigarette to go out on the town - it will be the real extreme guys who will take it to another level."