Jun 3, 2019
Ernesto Rodrigues, Neil Davidson, Guilherme Rodrigues, & Hernâni Faustino - Fower
Creative Sources
2009
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Ernesto Rodrigues, Neil Davidson, Guilherme Rodrigues, & Hernâni Faustino - Fower
Creative Sources
2009
Georgina Chapman by Neil Davidson (The Business 2005)
If what I call vanguard neoliberalism established this phase of capitalist development (in the UK: 1979–97, and social neoliberalism then consolidated it (1997–2007)), the current period of crisis neoliberalism (2007–) is primarily defensive, an attempt to preserve the now decaying order through ever-more generalised attacks on the subaltern classes – not as ‘occasional’ incursions to enable budget cuts here or prevent industrial action there, but as permanent aspects of the political regime (Davidson, 2017). The dilemma of crisis neoliberalism is therefore that it has no strategy for restoring general levels of profitability. Having bailed out the debts incurred by the banks responsible for the crisis, thereby transforming them into state or ‘sovereign’ debt, regimes then announced the need for ‘austerity’ to compensate for the supposed failure of the state to ‘live within its means’ by incurring these debts in the first place (Blyth, 2013: 5–7; Peck, 2014: 19–20). Ideologically, this may have been a brilliant manoeuvre, but neither attacking the incomes of unemployed single parents nor demonising asylum seekers is going to rescue British or American capitalism, although it has helped to deflect hostility from the ruling class to these groups by legitimising hatred and providing ‘psychic compensation’ for those in marginally more secure positions. Any longer-term strategy in the overall interests of capital would have to address the dysfunctionality of the financial system, the refusal of firms to invest in productive capacity and low levels of tax intake attendant on a fiscal system massively skewed towards the wealthy, but state managers are no longer prepared to do this and neither are most politicians – with the exception of one tendency. The revival of the far right as a serious electoral force is based on the apparent solutions it offers to what are now two successive waves of crisis, which have left the working class in the West increasingly fragmented and disorganised, and susceptible to appeals to blood and nation as the only viable form of collectivism still available, particularly in a context where the systemic alternative to capitalism – however false it may have been – had apparently collapsed in 1989–91. The political implications are ominous. The increasing interchangeability of political parties gives the far right an opening to appeal to voters by positioning themselves as outside the consensus in ways which speak to their justifiable feelings of rage (Cole, 2005: 222–223). The potential problem for the stability of the capitalist system is, however, less the possibility of far-right parties themselves coming to power with a programme destructive to capitalist needs, than their influence over the mainstream parties of the right, when the beliefs of their supporters may inadvertently cause difficulty for the accumulation process – as in the impending withdrawal from the European Union in the case of the UK or, potentially at least, a halt to migration from Mexico and Central America at the behest of the Trump presidency in the case of the USA. Here we see emerging a symbiotic relationship between one increasingly inadequate regime response to the problems of capital accumulation and another increasingly extreme response to the most irrational desires and prejudices produced by capital accumulation (Davidson and Saull, 2017).
Neoliberalism as a Class-Based Project by Neil Davidson, in The SAGE Handbook of Neoliberalism
Pick of the Quarter – International Socialism
Néolibéralisme de crise et régimes d'exception permanente
Néolibéralisme de crise et régimes d’exception permanente
Publié pour la première fois le 4 août 2016 Article de recherche https://doi.org/10.1177/0896920516655386 Informations sur l’article Abstrait
Depuis l’émergence du système mondial au milieu du XIXe siècle, les étapes du développement capitaliste ont toutes été déclenchées par des crises économiques. Mais contrairement aux crises de…
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Curaleaf Expands Executive Leadership Team
Curaleaf Expands Executive Leadership Team
PRESS RELEASE
Neil Davidson Appointed Chief Financial Officer, Todd Goffman Appointed General Counsel, New Executive Appointments Support Rapid Growth of the Company
WAKEFIELD, Mass., Jan. 28, 2019 /PRNewswire/ — Curaleaf Holdings, Inc. (CSE: CURA / OTCBB: CURLF) (the “Company” or “Curaleaf”), a leading vertically-integrated cannabis operator, today announced an expanded leadership team with two…
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Le néolibéralisme comme agent de l’autodestruction du capitalisme
Le néolibéralisme comme agent de l’autodestruction du capitalisme
CONTRETEMPS REVUE DE CRITIQUE COMMUNISTE Neil Davidson 29 mai 2017 Le néolibéralisme comme agent de l’autodestruction du capitalisme Dans ce texte publié en août 2015 sous forme de « thèses »[1], Neil Davidson estime que le néolibéralisme ne fait, en définitive, qu’exacerber tous les facteurs de crise inhérents au système capitaliste. Cet article a d’abord été publié dans la…
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Usted está muy mal
Neil Davidson 2017, Libros del Laurel · Goodreads
Mientras leía Usted está muy mal le dije a Nicole: «Neil Davidson es cómo voy a ser yo cuando sea viejo». Solo se rio y siguió viendo un documental en la tele.
Por supuesto, esto no es cierto. No seré como Neil Davidson porque no tengo la ingeniosa ironía mezclada con desdén que solo los ingleses son capaces de manifestar. Aun así, admiro su capacidad para la observación y para burlarse de sí mismo sin jamás dejar de burlarse del resto. En resumen, buen humor británico.
Me identifico con su poca paciencia para las costumbres sociales. Quizá mi frase favorita del libro es una que creo me repetiré una y otra vez:
Separarse del resto es un acto paulatino y solemne.
Muchas personas aspiran a estar cómodos consigo mismos, sin necesidad de apoyo o validación ajena, pero muy pocos lo consiguen. No sé en qué grupo estoy. Todavía tolero demasiadas cosas que no preferiría no tolerar solo por el miedo al ridículo o al escrutinio ajeno. Por suerte, a los treinta años ya se me han ido quitando muchas de esas aprehensiones.
Otro tema: es muy cierto el cliché de que las mejores personas para analizar a un pueblo son los extranjeros (la última vez que lo escuché fue en la película Spotlight). Davidson repasa a los chilenos con claridad. También un poco de ninguneo, pero de todos modos es divertido. Dos ejemplos que me gustaron:
Vender el slow work a los chilenos es como vender filosofía a los griegos.
Y:
La torre del Costanera Center en Santiago es una construcción imponente. No hay otra torre más alta en zona de terremotos en ninguna parte del mundo, y fue construida en gran medida por diseños e ingeniería chilenos, y por obreros chilenos.
Y eso me inquieta. Conozco a los obreros chilenos y sé que tienen virtudes notables, como el sentido de humor o el estoicismo ante los percances ajenos. Pero entre esas virtudes no está la minuciosidad ni el manejo de la línea recta.
Hace mucho que tengo pendiente en el Kindle el libro Notes from a small island de Bill Bryson, que sospecho puede ser algo así como un espejo de Usted está muy mal: la crónica de un estadounidense que se va a vivir al Reino Unido. Será interesante hacer la comparación. Por supuesto, después tendré que hacer yo la crónica de un chileno viviendo en Inglaterra y/o Estados Unidos, por qué no.