#old regime

[amethystsk1es]

Can anyone help me by giving song recommendations to add to this playlist? Cheers.

[public-image-limited]

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[if-you-fan-a-fire]

PRISON RIOTS AND REVOLUTIONS

“Before moving to examine the applicability of theories of revolution to prison riots, let us first consider some of the broad similarities between prison riots and revolutions. First, there is the puzzle of the occurrence, indeed the frequent occurrence, of both prison riots and revolutions. It has long been a puzzle, given the overwhelming power of the state and the extremely limited resources and freedom exercised by peasants, why peasant rebellions and revolutions should occur at all. Yet revolutions, while certainly not part of the normal state of political affairs, are frequent Before moving to examine the applicability of theories of revolution to prison riots, let us first consider some of the broad similarities between prison riots and revolutions. First, there is the puzzle of the occurrence, indeed the frequent occurrence, of both prison riots and revolutions. It has long been a puzzle, given the overwhelming power of the state and the extremely limited resources and freedom exercised by peasants, why peasant rebellions and revolutions should occur at all. Yet revolutions, while certainly not part of the normal state of political affairs, are frequent.

Although one would think that the extremely close control and supervision of prisoners, their nearly zero resources, and the overwhelming power and authority of the prison guards and authorities, backed up by the heavily armed forces of state troopers, would virtually preclude any large-scale insurrection by prisoners, it is a remarkable fact that prison riots are fairly frequent occurrences. Since the spread of the modern penitentiary system in the early 20th century, episodes in which the prison authorities lose control of a significant amount of the “territory” and subject population of a prison (the analogue to Tilly’s “revolutionary situation”) have occurred in all nations with prisons, often in the tens or dozens per year (Adams 1994, pp. 12–13). Montgomery and Crews (1998) have located more than 1,300 riots in U.S. prisons between 1950 and 1995. Here too, one could challenge the broadness of their definition of riot, but clearly prison riots are part of prison history, just as revolutions are part of political history.

A second striking parallel is that prison riots, like revolutions, tend to occur in waves (Goldstone 1991; Katz 1997). Particularly notable waves in the United States occurred in 1928–29, in 1951–55, in 1968–1973, in 1980–82, and, most recently, in 1986. Despite their evident importance, almost no analytic attention has been given to the causes of waves of prison riots. Theories that focus on the actions of particular wardens, whether on their “cracking down” or “loosening up,” clearly give no answer to why prison riots should strike a variety of different prisons, in different states, in clusters, at particular times.

A third empirical similarity is that prison riots, like revolutions, are quite varied in form and process. In both cases, the event can be largely spontaneous or the result of planning and leadership by a vanguard group. Among both prison riots and revolutions, some are extremely violent, while in others violence is moderate or almost absent. It is worth noting that in both riots and revolutions, most violence is not perpetrated by revolutionaries or rioters against authorities: the highest tolls of death and violence occur either when authorities use force to suppress a revolution or to retake a prison (e.g., as at Attica in 1971) or when revolutionaries or prisoners have fully taken control and take violent action against other groups (e.g., reigns of terror in revolutions) or against other prisoners (e.g., as at New Mexico in 1980). Moreover, both revolutions and prison riots are—like all historical events—subject to the role of contingent events that can shape the outbreak, duration, and scope of the event. And just as the duration and outcome of revolutions vary widely, so does that of prison riots. Of course, most revolutionary situations and prison disorders result in only a temporary breakdown of order. But just as a few revolutionary regimes succeed in capturing power for years before being overturned (e.g., the French Revolution of 1789–1815 and the English Revolution of 1640–60 both lasted decades before counterrevolutionary forces restored something much like the old regime), so a few prison riots succeed in maintaining control of large portions of prisons for days or even weeks. There is, of course, no analogue in the prison riot to something like Russia’s October Revolution or the Chinese Communist Revolution, both cases in which the revolutionaries took permanent control of the regime. ... It is also important to realize that many prison riots do lead to farreaching change, even a restructuring of a jurisdiction’s entire correctional system. For example, an immediate consequence of the 1980 riot in New Mexico was that the state signed a “consent decree” with the state’s inmates. This decree, to this day, governs nearly every aspect of corrections in New Mexico, from the cell space that must be made available to inmates, to rehabilitative programming, to the temperature of the water used to wash dishes. One need only think of the consequences of the Attica prison riot in New York (Wicker 1975; Aziz 1990, chap. 3), or the Woolf report in Great Britain following the riot and occupation of Strangeways  prison in Manchester (Player and Jenkins 1994), to see that prison riots, like many rebellions and revolutionary situations, can lead to major changes in the regime of authority merely in response to the temporary loss of control faced by the governing bodies.

Finally, to return to Tocqueville ([1856] 1955), it is a consistent finding for both revolutions and prison riots that such events frequently follow efforts by the administration to make reforms to improve the administration and conditions in the society or the institution. We offer an explanation of this fact below; at this point, we merely note it as yet another striking similarity between the dynamics of these phenomena.”

- Jack A. Goldstone and Bert Useem, “Prison Riots as Microrevolutions: An Extension of State‐Centered Theories of Revolution.” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 104, No. 4 (January 1999), pp. 989-991.   

[mrfandomwars]

Tbh I LOVE the idea that Adam is part of the Royal Family of France during the Ancient Regime bc I really like to imagine what happened in Versailles when the curse broke.

Did they all went "Oh Shit, we forgot one of the prince's!"????? Or did they all act like nothing was wrong and that they all suddenly decided to go visit Adam at the same time?????? Did they have a personal magician/wizard/witch that had suddenly gained guilt bc they didn't notice that they themselves and the Nobles and Royalty were under a spell?????? What happened?????

Also, I now realize that Adam was probably Luis-something.

Maybe he told Belle his name was Adam because he believed that the Nobles, the court and the Royal Family didn't care about him and he wanted to cut ties with them.

Also, the trauma that Adam(/Luis?????) had to go through believing that his family had disowned him bc of being a Beast and the guilt he felt when he realized that his servants were cut off from their families because of him.

[jigokunotenshi]

Bad Religion - "Old Regime"

[smrab37-blog]

Scenes of the French Country Life: Shepardess, Gardener, Grape Gatherer, and Reaper. (1754) Jean-Honoré Fragonard.

Detroit Institute of Art

[theadelphiproject]

Where does so much mad agitation come from? From a crowd of minor clerks and lawyers, from unknown writers, from starving scribblers, who go about rabblerousing in clubs and cafés. These are the hotbeds that have forged the weapons with which the masses are armed today.

P.J.B. Gernier, June 1789

Quoted in Robert Darnton’sThe Literary Underground of the Old Regime; translation from the original French by Darnton. 

[tweetonslacarmagnole]

The calculus of criminal investigation in Old Regime France

According to Michel Foucault.

Testimony of a credible (i.e., rich or high status) eye witness or confession of the accused = 1 "direct evidence" (DE).

A reasonable deduction from facts of the case (e.g., statements of the accused's intent some time before the occurrence of the crime) = 1 "indirect evidence" (IE).

Rumors about the accused, or deductions from actions of the accused (e.g., fleeing after the likely time of the crime's commission) = 1 "distant clue" (DC).

2 DE = 1 "full proof." (FP)

1 DE or 1 IE = 1 "approximate proof" (AP).

2 AP = 1 FP

Fewer than three DC = significant suspicion.

3 or more concurring DC = 1 AP.

However, no combination of DCs can add up to a FP.

As much of this calculation as possible is to be done in secret, without the consultation of the accused and denying any opportunity for the accused to contribute to the process, without perhaps even informing the accused of the charges against him, so as to more likely obtain a confession.

All these different grades of proof are important, because we don't hold to a binary guilt or innocence, here. Limiting ourselves to determining whether someone did or did not actually commit a crime? Pish-posh!

For example, 1 FP of a capital crime can secure the death penalty, but an AP indicates "semi-guilt" and thus the deserving of a lesser charge, like, idk, maybe corporal punishment. (Torture applied in investigation does count as "time served" in that case.) Even mere significant suspicion can allow for a fine or other restriction.

On that note: It's OK to torture the accused in order to secure a confession, but be careful! If the accused resists torture, all your evidences will be forfeit! Them's the rules of the game. Therefore, it's best to use torture as a last resort if no other sufficient evidence can be found for a FP.

On the other hand, if you try torture first and fail, you can possibly go on to scrape up enough evidence for an AP, or significant suspicion if only DCs are available. So, if you're not gung-ho for killing someone, heat up the pokers and give it a shot!

If you get the FP for a capital crime, feel free to go nuts expressing yourself through the medium of lex talonis poetic justice. Avoid targeted symbolic destruction of the hand of a regicide by, say, flaying it or dipping it in lead or burning it with sulfur, though; it's so cliche. Ripping out the flesh of the condemned piece by piece to represent the overwhelming power and anger of the Sovereign at the impudent wretch who dared to challenge him is just classic, though, in style in any season. Finishing with drawing-and-quartering is always a crowd-pleaser.

Them crazy Jacobins and their beheading machines, amirite?