Razem As a Left Unity's Plug-In. And Vice-Versa.
“Until now, revolutionary parties have constituted themselves as synthesizers of interests, rather than functioning as analyzers of mass and individual desires. (…) What is necessary is an organization of power that is capable of organizing and uniting these modes of escape [resistance and deterritorialization] without reproducing a State apparatus.” Felix Guattari 1. In 2015 in the UK lived 8 million people born outside of the UK. 2.3 million classified as immigrants from the EU. 600 thousand have arrived last year. 300 thousand have left. During the last elections Cameron’s stance was to limit this wave to tens of thousands and give them rights to claim benefits after 4 years; + no benefits for these (including their families) who live outside of the UK; + means to kick out these who broke the law;
-> majority of the Polish was supporting Cameron’s position(!) – in their view, it was aimed against the new immigration (from the new EU member states, and others) who were ready to work for less :) The Polish were then the greatest minority in the UK (0.853 million) before the Indian (0.365 million) and the Irish (0.331 million). In London the Polish were also the most numerous (0.185 million) almost 100 thousand more than the second minority, that is – the Italian. At the same time 1.2 million of the Polish declared their will to emigrate for economic reasons. It’s an increase from 5% in 2014 to 6.4% (250 000) in 2015. 78% pointed at wage as the reason. 35% pointed at curiosity and travelling. 32% pointed at the eventual escalation of the Ukrainian conflict. 29% gives the medical service as the reason :) The UK was the 1st chosen destination – it was declared as such by 27% of the Poles willing to emigrate. Then: 26% Germany; 11% Norway; 6% the Netherlands. The data showing the wages at the time (in Euro per hour): Norway 44.2 €, the Netherlands 25.5 €, Germany 24.4 €, the UK 18.6 €, Czech Republic 6.9 €, Poland 6.8 €, Lithuania 4.7 €, Bulgaria 3.2 € A comprehensive cost-of-living data needed – to think of the existential oppressiveness triggered by particular conditions; that would include the imaginary, aspirations, social bonds, environment, etc. One thing is sure: such data couldn’t boil down to numbers only. Descriptions are here more precise. Let’s check 2016, include the refugee crisis and measure the trends. 2. The above-mentioned data may very well indicate that Poland needs a leftist agenda. Who are the actors who’ll help to develop it? Polish, leftist, Pan-European, international? How a national party can channel the processes that are international? Can our current operational system compute them? 3. What is the social profile of the UK immigrants? Which political agenda is the most inclusive, which has a structural capacity to make them participate in the local political process, and not to alienate from it (which also means capital transfers outside of the UK; even though – this must be stressed – taxation implies that the immigrants pay for the British retirement pensions, and having responsibility is a political capacity in any egalitarian framework; it’s a subject/object difference). 4. Razem has been founded to give representation to the two-thirds of the Polish who earn below the national average. As such, it should become THE party of the Polish economic emigration. But the old paradigm – of synthesizing the interests, rather than analyzing the drives of those it represents – can lead the political process it started to a structural dead-end. For example, the data shown above indicate a convergence – similar to the attitude shown by the UKIP natives – of the close-minded mentality of the Polish workers who were ready to defend their “privileged” status against the new immigration. Defending the particular interests, and not acting in coordination, leads to the separation amongst the underprivileged. And yet, for example, a British who suffers from the housing crisis and a Polish who suffers from the housing crisis share common questions: for whom the current situation works? who gains? how to organize the housing policy? 5. There is a solidarity in struggle. A political subjectivity that will be able to organize a movement towards integrating social policies will also be able to integrate all the social actors that are currently dispersed. New ways of interconnecting all the leftist actors are needed. The typical Polish paradox of turning the Solidarity movement to the Right is a lesson in the network efficiency. The Catholic Church is basically an organizational principle. It has its units, its channels, it is local, meta- and common at the same time. The Left needs to analyze this principle from its leftist standpoint – and this shouldn’t exclude transfering the leftist agenda into already existing networks, like the Church. A Polish classic, Jacek Kuron, said: “Don’t burn the committees [meaning the local party buildings], set up your own”. What about using DiEM25 Spontaneous Collectives this way? 6. A Plug-In Party? There are certain features of the now-forming leftist parties – Razem, LU, Podemos, Syriza, Die Linke, etc. – that should give them an enourmous capacity to form coalitions and alliances, that should maximise their interconnectivity, flexibility and sociability :) and boost their legitimization and their influence in the political actions concerning us all, and in the social agendas commonly raised. Lack of time and financial means is not a total excuse for not acting as an integrated movement.
Krzysztof Nawratek, a Polish “urbalytical” [mine] trailblazer from The University of Sheffield, in his work “City As a Political Idea” develops two concepts that we can find helpful in defining a common field of action – on the basis of which we can start to envision a project that works for us. I think that we, the Left, still don’t perceive well the force-field on which to operate. Yet it is clear we shouldn’t waste time climbing the ladder set up for us by the liberals, but take a step back instead, to find a much more exciting, green hill to ascend. The Labour/Tory clasp doesn’t help. Let’s leave it. 1) A Concept of the A-Androgynous City. Which we should translate into the A-Androgynous Political Field. It’s a porous space. There are many holes, and lacks, that call for certain flows to fill them in. This field exists, we’re all in it and it requires a broader definition than simply “the UK politics”. In this field a collective integrated action of Syrizians, LUers, Razemos, of all cross-party political and social actors, is not only possible, but necessary. It is a field raised in spite of the press'ed-flatland. London, for example, can be rendered this way – as long as we’ll see it as merely an angle, an arch or a curve of a much larger construction. A complex bit, existential and political. 2) A Concept of the Plug-In Citizen. Which we could translate into the Plug-In Party. Such a party is an actor in the A-Androgynous Political Field. It is here and there – at the same time and sequentially. One time it’s in Poland, another time in Britain. And then in Spain. And then in Egypt. And in all these places at the same time. It integrates the flows that are driving those who want to communicate and to work out solutions that are commonly acceptable. It is a party that can coalesce with a club or a society, or a foundation, or an association, or an artistic collective. With movements and a common cause. That leaves to the local languages to talk-through the details, but thinks big. [a Left Unity meeting “Razem” address; 21 March 2016]