Oct 18, 2016
New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/daesh-isil-need-more-us-support/
DAESH: Need more US Support!
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New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/daesh-isil-need-more-us-support/
DAESH: Need more US Support!
New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/ask-your-intellectuals/
Ask Your Intellectuals
New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/isis-arms/
ISIS Arms
Today, there are very few people who are uninformed about the role of the United States of America in creating, nurturing and arming al-Qaeda, the Taliban and their inauspicious successors. Besides this direct support, the overt and well-known supporters of takfiri terrorism- despite having the most backward political systems- are standing arrayed as allies of the west while the most pioneering, brightest and most dynamic democrats in the region are suppressed mercilessly.
New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/recruited-terrorism-2/
Recruited Terrorism
Today, there are very few people who are uninformed about the role of the United States of America in creating, nurturing and arming al-Qaeda, the Taliban and their inauspicious successors. Besides this direct support, the overt and well-known supporters of Takfiri terrorism- despite having the most backward political systems– are standing arrayed as allies of the west while the most pioneering, brightest and most dynamic democrats in the region are suppressed mercilessly.
New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/1276-2/
Children in the disputed region of Palestine grow up with violence never far away. When conflict breaks out, as it did in summer 2014, they face the prospect of death, injury and the loss of their loved ones. Longer term, families suffer the long-term consequences of war and the day-to-day hardships of a buckling economy. At least 9,271 Palestinians have been killed since September 29, 2000 and 2,089 Palestinian children have been killed by Israelis since September 29, 2000.(1)
More than half of Palestinians are under the age of 18
Children grow up amid frequent outbreaks of street violence sparked by ongoing political turmoil
A scarcity of jobs means that young people face a future of joblessness, and with food prices increasing just as household income is increasing, life is set to get harder for tomorrow’s generation (2)
1. if American Knew
2.Palestinian Charity
New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/ksa-is-on-the-brink-extinction/
KSA is on the brink extinction
For half a century, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been the linchpin of U.S. Mideast policy. has A guaranteed supply of oil bought a guaranteed supply of security? Ignoring autocratic practices and the export of Wahhabi extremism, Washington stubbornly dubs its ally “moderate.” So tight is the trust that U.S. special operators dip into Saudi petrodollars as a counterterrorism slush fund without a second thought. In a sea of chaos, goes the refrain, the kingdom is one state that’s stable.
But is it?
In fact, Saudi Arabia is no state at all. There are two ways to describe it: as a political enterprise with a clever but ultimately unsustainable business model, or as an entity so corrupt as to resemble a vertically and horizontally integrated criminal organization. Either way, it can’t last. It’s past time U.S. decision-makers began planning for the collapse of the Saudi kingdom.
In recent conversations with military and other government personnel, we were startled at how startled they seemed at this prospect. Here’s the analysis they should be working through.Understood one way, the Saudi king is the CEO of a family business that converts oil into payouts that buy political loyalty. They take two forms: cash handouts or commercial concessions for the increasingly numerous scions of the royal clan, and a modicum of public goods and employment opportunities for commoners. The coercive “stick” is supplied by brutal internal-security services lavishly outfitted with American equipment.
The United States has long counted on the ruling family having bottomless coffers of cash with which to rent loyalty. Even accounting for today’s low oil prices, and even as Saudi officials step up arms purchases and military adventures in Yemen and elsewhere, Riyadh is hardly running out of funds.
Still, expanded oil production in the face of such low prices—until the February 16 announcement of a Saudi-Russian output freeze at very high January levels—may reflect an urgent need for revenue as well as other strategic imperatives. Talk of a Saudi Aramco IPO similarly suggests a need for hard currency.A political market, moreover, functions according to demand as well as supply. What if the price of loyalty rises?
It appears that is just what’s happening. King Salman had to spend lavishly to secure the allegiance of the notables who were pledged to the late King Abdullah. Here’s what played out in two other countries when this kind of inflation hit. In South Sudan, an insatiable elite not only diverted the newly minted country’s oil money to private pockets but also kept up their outsized demands when the money ran out, sparking a descent into chaos. The Somali government enjoys generous donor support, but is priced out of a very competitive political market by a host of other buyers—with ideological, security, or criminal agendas of their own.
Such comparisons may be offensive to Saudi leaders, but they are telling. If the loyalty price index keeps rising, the monarchy could face political insolvency.
The Saudi ruling elite is operating something like a sophisticated criminal enterprise.
Looked at another way, the Saudi ruling elite is operating something like a sophisticated criminal enterprise, when populations everywhere are making insistent demands for government accountability. With its political and business elites interwoven in a monopolistic network, quantities of unaccountable cash leaving the country for private investments and lavish purchases abroad, and state functions bent to serve these objectives, Saudi Arabia might be compared to such kleptocracies as Viktor Yanukovich’s Ukraine.
Increasingly, Saudi citizens are seeing themselves as just that: citizens, not subjects. In countries as diverse as Nigeria, Ukraine, Brazil, Moldova, and Malaysia, people are contesting criminalized government and impunity for public officials—sometimes violently. In more than half a dozen countries in 2015, populations took to the streets to protest corruption. In three of them, heads of state are either threatened or have had to resign. Elsewhere, the same grievances have contributed to the expansion of jihadist movements or criminal organizations posing as Robin Hoods. Russia and China’s external adventurism can at least partially be explained as an effort to re-channel their publics’ dissatisfaction with the quality of governance.
For the moment, it is largely Saudi Arabia’s Shia minority that is voicing political demands. But the highly educated Sunni majority, with unprecedented exposure to the outside world, is unlikely to stay satisfied forever with a few favors doled out by geriatric rulers impervious to their input. And then there are the “guest workers.” Saudi officials, like those in other Gulf states, seem to think they can exploit an infinite supply of indigents grateful to work, whatever the conditions. But citizens are now heavily outnumbered in their own countries by laborers who may soon begin claiming rights.
For decades, Riyadh has eased pressure by exporting its dissenters—like Osama bin Laden—fomenting extremism across the Muslim world. But that strategy can backfire: Bin Laden’s critique of Saudi corruption has been taken up by others, and it resonates among many Arabs. And King Salman (who is 80, by the way) does not display the dexterity of his half-brother Abdullah. He’s reached for some of the familiar items in the autocrats’ toolbox: executing dissidents, embarking on foreign wars, and whipping up sectarian rivalries to discredit the demands of Saudi Shiites and boost nationalist fervor. Each of these has grave risks.
There are a few ways things could go, as Salman’s brittle grip on power begins cracking.
One is a factional struggle within the royal family, with the price of allegiance bid up beyond anyone’s ability to pay in cash. Another is foreign war. With Saudi Arabia and Iran already confronting each other by proxy in Yemen and Syria, escalation is too easy. U.S. decision-makers should bear that danger in mind as they keep pressing for regional solutions to regional problems. A third scenario is insurrection—either a nonviolent uprising or a jihadi insurgency—a result all too predictable given episodes throughout the region in recent years.
The United States keeps getting caught off-guard when purportedly solid countries come apart. To do better this time, U.S. military and intelligence officials should at the very least, and immediately, run some rigorous planning exercises to test different scenarios and potential actions aimed at reducing codependence and mitigating risk. They should work hard to identify the most likely, and most dangerous, regional outcomes of a Saudi collapse—or the increasingly desperate efforts of its rulers to avoid one. And above all, they should abandon the automatic-pilot thinking that has been guiding U.S. policy to date.
“Hope is not a policy” is a hackneyed phrase. But choosing not to consider alternatives amounts to the same thing.
New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/twitter-cant-control-daesh-anymore/
Twitter can't control DAESH anymore
Plagued with complaints from lawmakers and officials that it’s too soft on DAESH terrorists and their online supporters, Twitter has stepped up the pace and breadth of account suspensions during the past year. And according to new research, its campaign to curb the group’s propaganda reach seems to be working.
According to J.M. Berger and Heather Perez, Twitter’s routine pruning of DAESHI accounts has kept the size of the DAESH propaganda network small, and has particularly damaged the reach and influence of the largest and most prominent accounts.
The researchers’ findings, published Thursday by the George Washington University’s Program on Extremism, temper a general sense of panic among government officials, sparked by the impression that the DAESH is “winning” a propaganda war against the Western world.
Top lawmakers have lamented the effectiveness of the group’s grassroots-like Twitter apparatus, and have launched shaky attempts to counter it. In doing so, they have painted a picture of a well-oiled propaganda machine that floods Twitter, Facebook, and Telegram with pro-Terrorists messages that inspire Westerners to either travel to Iraq and Syria, or commit acts of terrorism at home.
Indeed, Islamic State-affiliated accounts have spread violent images, propaganda videos, and calls to action online. But their influence is waning.
Berger and Perez determined that there’s usually an average of only 1,000 easily discoverable English-speaking terrorist accounts at a time, and that the average DAESH terror group supporter has only 300 to 400 followers. And those accounts appear to be stuck in an echo chamber: They generally only interact with other supporters, rather than spreading their message to new followers.
The researchers monitored a list of DAESH terror supporters’ accounts—maintained by hand by a particularly active supporter—for a period of nearly four months in 2015, making note of account suspensions and new additions to the list.
At times, Twitter suspended the list members’ accounts at a high pace, sometimes even suspending a user multiple times in one day. But most of the time, only about 2 percent of the list was suspended every day.
Berger has long railed against the “whack-a-mole” thesis of Twitter takedowns—the idea that suspending an online account is a waste of time because new accounts will quickly sprout up to take the place of a deleted one. To test that theory, he and Perez tracked four users as they were repeatedly suspended by Twitter and reemerged every time with a different name.
“We found suspensions typically had a very significant detrimental effect on these repeat offenders, shrinking both the size of their networks and the pace of their activity,” the researchers wrote. “Returning accounts rarely reached their previous heights, even when the pressure of suspension was removed.”
Twitter has further accelerated the pace of its account removals in the months after the researchers’ study period. Just a few weeks ago, the company announced that it has taken down 125,000 terrorist-related accounts since mid-2015. The company also said that staffing increases had led to quicker takedowns.
But a few lawmakers have repeatedly pushed for legislation that would require social-media companies like Twitter and Facebook to do more. A bill from Richard Burr and Dianne Feinstein, the chairman and vice-chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, would require the platforms to report terrorist activity on their networks to law enforcement. But concerns about freedom-of-speech violations and the potential loss of valuable intelligence from terrorists on Twitter has led opponents in and out of the Senate to speak out against the proposal.
If Twitter can show that its own increasingly aggressive campaigns to stomp out propaganda are working, perhaps it can dodge a legislative intervention—one that would burden social-media companies with heavy reporting duties and bring another platform under government surveillance.
New Post has been published on Know Terrorists
New Post has been published on http://knowterrorists.com/daesh-in-disguise/
DAESH in disguise