COMM 499

[01rkim-blog]

Swan encapsulates the function of reaction videos, especially within the K-pop fandom, by arguing that it is “a dynamic community that imagines itself as transcending national boundaries” (Swan, 549). The collection of reaction videos on Youtube is a community itself because it engages people through an online space that is accessible to all without trying to “negate the significance of one’s situatedness within a specific nation and culture” (Swan, 549). In this sense, reaction videos are encouraged from people who are far removed from Korean culture to promote its popularity that is legitimate enough to span out of Korea. Reaction videos are forms of self expression in which people feel related to those who are reacting because viewers anticipate sharing the same reactions towards a common affinity. Reaction videos are also fan rituals whenever a music video releases, as they are celebrations for supporting the same group of artists. Black Youtubers, as Oh states, have become polycultural pillars in the K-pop community who give validation to fans who are international. Non-Asian fans look to these individuals as sources of verbal affirmation, especially because those content creators do not speak the language nor are they from Korea and are accustomed to the social stigmas of the industry. They also give validation under the assumption that Black masculinity is heavier rooted, and to have a Black man celebrate male K-pop groups elevates the masculinity of the male idols as well. Black reactors introduce polyculturalism with code switching between African American Vernacular English and Korean phrases and the non Romanization of the idols' real names. They also identify what feels familiar in K-pop choreography, music style, and clothing to that of their own culture. On the other spectrum of cultural crossover within the reaction video community, white Youtubers avoid speaking on their cultural differences in reaction to the music videos. Oh speaks on their willingness to evade racial conversations "because the embrace of superficial difference prevents discussions of systemic inequality and racism" (Oh, 2277). White Youtubers tend to push the colorblind agenda as a means to promote the blur of racial lines in order to not be held accountable for speaking on the racial disparity between East Asians and Caucasians. However, this postracist talk "articulates easily into their experience as locally privileged members of their respective dominant racial orders," therefore acknowledging their power dynamic and creating a strain between the reactor and the viewer (Oh, 2277).

[01rkim-blog]

Jenkins, Lee, and Choi and Maliangkay’s readings are all connected through the theme of subcultures removed from the area in which they were birthed and found in international spaces. Jenkins argues that pop cosmopolitans seek cultural differences as a channel to escape their own local communities and experience much more diverse cultural exposure. This is reflected in the community of international K-pop fans, who are the pop cosmopolitans driving the popularity of this genre across the globe. K-pop fans use K-pop as an avenue to become connected to people around the world who have similar interest in Korean and idol culture, mostly as a way to escape the interests surrounding their own local areas. Jenkins also states that pop cosmopolitanism identifies the “transcultural flows of popular culture” that “inspires new forms of global consciousness and cultural competency” (Jenkins, 156). This explains the eruption of K-pop interest in North and South America, as well as Europe, places where East Asian cultural interest is not of the societal norm. Choi and Maliangkay cite that “[t]he frequency of holding K-pop concerts in foreign countries has increased” since the early 2000s (Choi and Maliangkay, 3). Despite this transnational exposure of Koreanness within the avenues of K-pop, the genre does not deviate from the culture itself. For example, BTS’s latest and most globally received single, “Idol,” carries a plethora of Korean metaphors and nods to traditional symbolism. Another venture of Korean exposure in international spaces, where fans gather and connect, is K-Drama culture. The most popular facet within the culture is the episode recapitulation, a time where fans gather to leave comments talking about the contents of the episode and the translation made by fellow fans. The recap is a collective body of work, taken from international and domestic fans alike, as the domestic fans often translate the drama and the international fans come to discuss either the drama or anything that is of shared interest. This community opens more shared areas of new cultural experiences and solidarity with each other as fans. These interactions again call upon pop cosmopolitans as the perpetuators of Korean entertainment. This led to the explosion of K-Drama content on international services. For example, many new dramas are offered on Netflix, such as “Romance is a Bonus Book,” starring one of Korea’s most popular actors, Lee Jong Suk. The opportunities to access Korean entertainment content is at an all time high because of pop cosmopolitanism and the pockets of Koreanness found all over the world. 

[01rkim-blog]

On the surface level, masculinity in K-pop is discussed primarily as binaries that identify male idols “as either cute and pretty, or beastly and aggressive” (Anderson, 118). However, with the emergence of new male groups, masculinity in the realm of K-pop has become multifaceted and multidimensional through the fusion of cultural hybridity. As K-pop adopts more American and African styles of music and dance, masculinity transforms and overlaps boundaries to include the defined tropes from each culture outside of Korea. While there is a phenomenon called “mugukjeok” within K-pop to lessen the “Koreanness” in the genre as a tool for international marketing, there is equally a pattern of transnationalism that actually emphasizes the distinct cultures that male groups have adopted (Anderson, 120). For instance, NCT 127 is known for their global marketing strategy and their subtle departure from relying on strong Koreanness in their narrative, but African styles of dance and clothing can be easily recognized in their music video, “Simon Says.” This takes their very polished, pretty appeal from “Touch” to a more assertive, domineering type of masculinity found within the introduction of African colors in an East Asian palette. This challenges the argument that male K-pop stars are seen as less masculine within the western realm due to the Asian stereotypes of meek and feminized men. It counters this stereotype by arguing that Asian men have the capacity to reach beyond these boundaries and absorb the masculine ideals of other cultures that dominate other cultural narratives. In fact, masculinity in K-pop now cannot be described without including the strong presence of global masculinity that hybridized Korea’s traditional masculinity (Maliangkay and Song, 117). While this argument of hybridity is quite current and dominant, it still does not completely deviate the large understanding that male K-pop idols are still more effeminate in style and clothing than the more average male, even among men in Hong Kong (Maliangkay and Song, 174). However, there is a contrast between how men in Hong Kong view male K-pop idols in comparison to how men in America view them. East Asian men tend to recognize the cultural influence of Korean masculinity because it is similar to that of their own cultures, which often prompts them to say that they wish they could fit the aesthetic rather than bashing on it. In discussion with K-pop, masculinity remains as a very transformative topic.

[01rkim-blog]

The success of Rain in early 2000’s K-pop was actualized because it successfully followed the Asian model of implicit sexuality that the music industry craved. Rain, as an idol, was at the pinnacle of the best of both worlds. His innocent persona from his squeaky-clean track record coupled with his sexuality radiating from his body image helped boost him to Asian stardom. Rain was an enigma when he broke through, challenging the previous trends in the Korean music industry by embodying both natural sex appeal and modesty through hard work. He also spearheaded the common marketable trope in K-pop of “pretty boyishness” and “macho laddishness” (Shin, 513). This trope is now dominated by BTS’s Park Jimin, who was marketed at first based off of his defined abs and his boyish facial features. This is evident in their debut music video, “No More Dream,” where he has the responsibility of taking the center position and showing off his body to draw in the key sexual attraction from the audience. This type of look appeals to the Western audience as well, where a majority of today’s K-pop groups find their most dominant fan bases. It coincides with the American desire for oozing sex appeal, while providing the Korean sentiment of dedication and humility while displaying all their hard work on the stage. For female artists, hyper-sexualization in the Korean music industry can be more toxic and contradicting based on the markets they are catering to. For example, BoA was presented as two opposing images to two different markets: the fearless Dragon Lady to the East and the submissive China Doll to the West (Jung, 223). The disparity is evident in the gender performances; male idols are palatable to most global markets as long as they do not exude too much femininity, while female idols are meant to be a coin with two differing sides to appeal to their markets. However, BLACKPINK is one of the first groups to gain media exposure in the West, where they are still asked to play up their fierce image without subverting to the quiet Asian girl stereotype. The market today, perhaps align with the rising narrative of building strong girls around the world, is more receptive of unapologetic concepts from groups like BLACKPINK. 

[01rkim-blog]

At its core, K-pop’s success is due to a combination of both the Korean sentiment of perfectionism and a mesh of cultures through hybridity. This trope of perfectionism is evident in the production of SM’s artists, who are ordered to have gone through rigorous training in singing and dancing, media presentation, and the upkeep of physical appearance for years before they debut (Seabrook, 2012). SM caters both to their domestic and international markets with groups such as EXO and NCT 127, respectively. NCT 127 is a direct nod to cultural hybridity and collective moralism, with the blending of Western sonic trends and choreography, as well as the presentation of ten members all synched and styled flawlessly. On top of these efforts, the group’s name stands for “Neo Culture Technology #127,” a symbol of Lee Soo-man’s idea of expanding the group’s influence from Seoul to different parts of the globe. In part of this mission, SM heavily pushes for NCT 127’s presence in America. They have previously nabbed a spot on the Jimmy Kimmel Show and performed the English version of their song, “Regular.” Though K-pop relies heavily on institutional uniformity, the industry adjusts to waves of new trends in order to maintain its heavy grip on catering to its audience consistently (Maliangkay, 2014). To keep up with the infiltration into the Western market, companies collaborate with producers from America and Europe. Nowadays, Western beats tend to reflect in K-pop tracks, such as “Bad Boy” by Red Velvet and “Euphoria” by BTS. Another way K-pop has secured a global presence is through the dominance of social media. Today’s ubiquitous culture of social media has given K-pop idols the platform to interact with fans of different countries (Kim, 2016). BTS’s twitter account, @BTS_twt, has amassed 18.3 million followers from all over the globe. With 1.85 million likes, @BTS_twt’s video of member J-Hope dancing to Drake’s “In My Feelings” holds the eighth spot for most liked tweets thus far. All these factors contribute to the cultural hybridity that drives K-pop and keeps it thriving in markets across the world from Seo Taiji and Boys and on.