From Redlining to Reparations @fromredliningtoreparations-blog - Tumblr Blog

Introduction

The reparations movement in Chicago - like all movements for African American reparations -was rooted in rebellion. As black people functioning within the Diaspora there is a constant struggle to survive and perhaps if one’s lucky enough, to live autonomously in a state that has always meant for black bodies to live as slaves. From 1972 to 1992, more than 100 black people living in police Area 2, more commonly known as the South side of Chicago, were arrested and tortured by Chicago Police detective Jon Burge, and his men (Chicago Torture Memorials). These people were subjected to unspeakable pain, trauma and death by representatives of the state; the Chicago Police Department. The violence the state has perpetuated against black bodies is consistent throughout the history of the United States, as the state has always been opposed to black bodies.

This outright opposition and disregard for black lives and black bodies is aided by institutional tools that have been created to systematically destroy chances of black success and thus black life. This is why it is important for us in our movement work to examine these tools the state uses against us to justify anti-blackness and the conditions that have created an environment for black death and state violence. In demanding for reparations and thus rebelling against the state on account of police brutality we are also rebelling against the historic conditions of mistreatment and disregard black bodies and black South Side communities have been faced with at the hands of the state and the worthiness of our victimhood in the eyes of a white supremacist state.

One of the greatest tools for the justification of violence against black communities is the economic system of capitalism. Under capitalism, money or capital are an assessment of human value and a necessity to survival. A chronic lack of capital can be devastating. The South side where police Area 2 resides is an area of Chicago that houses an overwhelming population of not only poor people, but also the majority of black people in the city. Directly across to the South Side is the North Side and the Suburbs, areas rich in economic growth and development and of course white Americans.

This combination of poor and black in comparison to white development is no coincidence- it is a correlation is intended by the state. Although explicit legal forms of segregation have long been outlawed in the city of Chicago, the city remains largely segregated. This segregation is not without creation. Segregation in Chicago was an intended structure. The history of the South Side of Chicago is a history of chronic divestment and discrimination through redlining. Understanding this history of divestment, isolation and vulnerability in black South Side communities is essential to understanding the structural violence, intentional neighborhood neglect and hyper policing leading up to the instances of torture and subsequent reparations for victims who the City of Chicago never deemed fully human at all.

Chicago by Police District; Area 2 the South side where the majority of the torture took place is highlighted in blue

Source:( “ More than 110 African-American Men and Boys Were Tortured by Chicago Police under the Command of Jon Burge between 1972 and 1991.")

Part 1 Redlining and Housing Discrimination

In its practice, housing discrimination is one of the most violent forms of discrimination because it serves as a catalyst for other types of oppression. It is housing discrimination in combination with anti blackness that served as a primary factor in the decline of black South Side communities in Chicago. In state failures such as ghettos, urban renewal slums and the projects the refusal to serve, invest and support that ultimately led to their decay. Communities that were redlined are no different. Redlining is the practice of denying or limiting financial services such as loans or mortgages to specific neighborhoods, generally because its residents are black, poor or people of color (Hunt).

Although housing discrimination has always existed in black communities, the practice of redlining was a justification of it through legal means under the New Deal with the creation of the Home Owners Loan Association in the 1930’s (Hunt). It was this association that created Redistributional Maps, maps that decided the security of a financial investment within an area, with communities where lined in red to be unfit for secure investments. In creating these maps, racial criteria was used to categorize lending and insurance risks. These maps set values on the communities that determined whether capital investment should be spent in a certain areas.

Even though redlining was largely said to have ended after facing congressional scrutiny with the passing of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 and the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act of 1975, redlining practices have been cited in Chicago into the 1990’s. In an article posted by the Chicago Tribune in 1992, undeniable patterns of racial discrimination were discovered in redlined communities. In its own study, it found that in 1990 white people in the Chicago area where given investment return rates three times higher on their mortgage deposits than their black counterparts (Linn 19). This disparity investment returns showed that as white neighborhoods benefited from the this great increase in wealth the effects of redlining began to take place.

From Left to Right:Map Legend, North Chicago Suburbs, Chicago North Side, Chicago South Side; the largest clusters of red covering the south, south west, and central areas of Chicago

Source: ( Winling, LaDale, comp)

The direct impacts of redlining were seen immediately in their investments. Homeowners in black neighborhoods faced with the lack of investment return on their houses saw their property values decline rapidly. These old neighborhoods saw rapid decline in comparison to upcoming suburban areas. This is because Suburban Areas received preferential investment at the expense of redlined black and poor communities leading to their decline in relation (Hunt). For communities on the South Side the practice of redlining served as catalyst for an economic down spiral. While White Americans could rely on a system of credit to achieve the quintessential idea of the American dream, black communities began to decay as by product of housing failures.

The American Dream with its promise of opportunity, success and upward mobility, is as much a mortgage as it is a home with a white picket fence. The first mortgage was essential because the rising home equity propelled by a homeowners “first mortgage is the chief way people acquire wealth in the United States” (Linn 1). The failure of the American dream for black Chicagoans not a reflection of the failures of residents in the community but rather the intentional denial to services to them. Just as the denial of housing services by banks and federal agencies to black redlined communities was intentional, the denial of the American dream from black Chicagoans is intentional. The message of anti-blackness is clear; Black Americans are not worthy of the American dream. Without the capital necessary to achieve the American Dream large portions of Chicago South side neighborhoods became vulnerable. Decline in property values initiated a decline of capital in for both the residents and the neighborhood. Isolated within these black neighborhoods citizens began to see their neighborhoods experience visible decay that only could be remedied by reinvestment tools.

Although banks and loan officers were well aware that one of the greatest tools to combat neighborhood decline is through capital such as banking investments, banks refused to make them; An Article published by the Chicago tribune in 1992, “ Area Lending Patterns Hint at Discrimination” acknowledges this fact, quoting a loan officer on the subject; “The only way neighborhoods can be turned around is to make good loans in these areas”, this is because one of the greatest tools to combat neighborhood decline is through capital such as banking investments (Linn 1). But yet despite knowing that the chief way of neighborhood rejuvenation is through loans these loan officers refuse to make good loans under the justification of redlining. It is under this justification that black people are seen as unworthy; unworthy of investment, unworthy of the American dream and unworthy victims of the state.

From a piece on redlining posted in the Chicago Tribune in the 1990′s. In every case black Chicagoan's are denied loans at a higher rate then any other race

Source: (Linn)

This attitude of unworthiness shown by the state is portrayed by the intentional mass amounts of dead ends missing information justifying the denial of services to black Chicagoans through redlining. Although black communities and black activists in Chicago were well aware of redlining racial bias American and white America at large perceived the practice to be justified. In a 1990 study of mortgage loan denials done by the Chicago Tribune s the most cited reason for mortgage home denials by loan officers was ‘no reason given’, with black homeowners reporting the highest percentage of mortgage denials in that category at 11.6% (Linn 20). Despite the study showing clear racial disparities the article concludes that “Without more information on how underwriting standards are applied, it is impossible to say for certain that the HDMA figures mean lenders are guilty of bias” (Linn 20).Underwriting standards detailed the guidelines established to ensure that safe and secure loans are issued and maintained. These underwriting standards were largely kept from the public view until activism and community outrage prompted the government into action.

In 1968, the President's National Advisory Panel on Insurance in Riot-Affected Areas found that insurance underwriting manuals of some agencies explicitly instructed agents to use racial data in determining risk for investment (Hunt). Even then with this acknowledgement the practice of redlining did not end, While states passed legislation addressing the discriminatory practice of redlining and outlawing it the United States government never fully recognized it by addressing to it directly leading to the failures of both the he Fair Housing Act of 1968 and the Home Mortgage Act of 1975. While governmental bodies continued to fail black home owners the economic spiral set off redlining continued. The failures of the government in economic divestment and poverty metastasized on the South Side and transformed into a problem in need of control rather than repair.

Part 2 Poverty, Crime and Police Presence

As the economic situation continued to spiral south, conditions became dire and then out of control. Populations of white residents fled from these areas in masses and the population on the South Side shrank significantly. Community Divestment led to mass population decline in black neighborhoods since the 1950’s. In a study conducted in 2013 black neighborhoods were found to have some of the highest population decreases. Neighborhoods such as Avalon Park and North Lawndale experienced population decreases at -10% and -64% (McClelland), The neighborhood with the highest rate of population decline at 79% was the Woodlawn Neighborhood (McClelland). With white flight to the suburbs white residents took any hope of reinvestment with them. Jobs creating industries and businesses such a Sears left the neighborhood in 1987, taking 1,800 jobs away from the South-West Side (Coates). Without capital investment from the government or industry money was not spent on resources that would assure a community thrives and excels: housing, education, recreation, living wage employment, transportation, infrastructure, health and social services.

The refusal and denial of services stemming from redlining has dire costs. To this day the impact of this is still seen as “for decades, the city’s economically marginalized black communities have been saddled with failing, underfunded public schools, high youth unemployment and low college graduation rates” ( Emmanuel). Poverty in result of the state's failure to support black communities and provide adequate capital makes the employment an essential but in the areas isolationed from living wage capital employment is hard to find. 25% of African Americans in Chicago as of 2014 remain unemployed due to extreme segregation as a result of redlining, this “ deprives many residents of the predominantly black South and West Sides of adequate public transit and job networks” (Emmanuel). With no jobs or capital to protect provide for them citizens became desperate for other means to gain capital.

On Community Divestment, State Violence and Reparations

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Mariame Kaba has been based in Chicago for over 20 years. In her time in Chicago she has founded organizations such as Project Nia and We Charge Genocide.and served on the advisory board for the Chicago Torture Justice Memorials Project. In addition to this she is an activist and educator who I look up to and have been privileged enough to organize with.

Her work focuses on black lives and racial justice, above is an interview I conducted with her

*Best Listened to with headphones

With no place to turn to communities looked for alternative means to providing capital. Impoverished citizens turned to desperate means in order to survive. In replacement of businesses and industries essential to providing wealth and income to neighborhoods liquor stores by the masses began to flood the South Side. Though liquor stores provided investment into the community these liquor stores also proposed concerns about public health, safety and economic development. These liquor stores often became community hubs where people socialize and buy other essential items in addition to liquor in the absence of other businesses and hang out locations. However these hang out spots would often become unsafe sites of crime. Development of liquor stores in low income areas has been tied to crimes such a serving to minors, loitering, drug dealing, littering and harassment, assault and murder (Maxwell 1). In this way liquor stores both the introduction of liquor stores and the introduction of crime mean even bigger problems for economic development as they deter the creation of public institutions schools and libraries as well as businesses that don't want to scare away customers. This concentration of liquor stores is almost exclusively found in the African American communities with the “The median number of liquor stores per 100 retail establishments is 6 times as high in African American zip codes as white zip codes in Chicago in 1992” (Maxwell 4).

Crime and dealing through the informal economy concentrated around liquor stores in African Americans is a result of the harsh conditions of poverty. When these two elements combine together they leave people with two choices; either take part in criminal activities or find legal but quite limited sources of income- when there are any available at all. This is a function of the aftermath of redlining and divestment; the further development of crime, the illegal alternative economy, crime and vandalism; with the government's response being to re-institute control.

Money matters a great deal for many many reasons, not just for status but for livelihood and survival

Mariame Kaba

The best way for the state to re-institute its authority in communities that they feel have gotten out of control is through exercising power over the community, especially if it is black. This is because blackness has always been viewed as subservient to white authority since the time of slavery; an element in need of being controlled by white supremacy by nature. One of the most violent tools for the state to attempt to regain control over black communities is the institution of police. In this way when impoverished black communities resort to crime out of no other option, the immediate response to dealing with perceived crime is with police. In 1982 the theory of Broken Windows Policing was conceptualized. Under broken windows theory it was theorized that small acts of disorder lead to serious crimes (“Broken Windows Policing”). Small acts of disorder such as vandalism, public drinking and stealing are harshly criminalized in order maintain and survey ‘urban’ environments.

Broken windows policing calls for an increase in police presence in black neighborhoods. The result of this is hyper policing in predominantly poor, black or in other words ‘urban’ environments creating an increase of black bodies thrown into the system of mass incarceration. Although hyper policing has always been the response of the government in terms crime in black communities broken windows theory legitimized the reasoning behind it. The Chicago Police department does not publish data detailing the amount of officers deployed on the South Side after or during redlining practices. If an increased number of police officers correlates with an increase of poverty on the South Side we have no available way of knowing for sure other than by issuing a Freedom of Information Act request asking for this specific data intentionally hidden from us which would take months. However, it can be inferred from news reports that hyper policing was supported and instituted. In an article titled “Police Hoping to Stop Crime before it Starts." by the Chicago Tribune in the 1990’s cites a proposal in line with Broken Windows Policing tactics (Stein). In this article it calls for the addition of more than 1600 police officers on to the streets of “crime ridden neighborhoods” (Stein). It is within these black neighborhoods where increase of police presence and hyper policing are intended to stop crime that the most heinous crimes committed by the police officers who are supposed to serve the community.

Disinvestment makes a difference, but Blackness makes the primary difference

Mariame Kaba

Police Brutality and Reparations?

With more police on the streets to guard against crime and violence the more chances there were for violence in the form of police brutality to be committed against black bodies. Already disregarded and devalued by the system of redlining and degraded by institutional structures meant to decay and impoverish South Side communities because of fear and anti-blackness the effects of these problems were to be contained and controlled by any means necessary. In 1972 Jon Burge was promoted police detective and deployed to Police Area 2 which policed residents on the South Side (Chicago Torture Justice Memorials).

Under the direct orders of Burge the increased swell of police officers began arrests over completely false charges or small crimes from which they were charged and tortured into confessing for. Just as anti blackness sentiments in redlining devalued black people on the South Side and impoverished black bodies as it denied them a chance at the American Dream ultimately the state with allowance of the systematic dehumanization of black bodies affirms that it never saw black South Sider’s as humans anyway. More than black bodies were led to torture by electric shock, genital mutilation, racial slurs and severe beating all under the guise of Chicago trying to control and correct a perceived problem it had been the cause of.

Even though allegations of torture by Jon Burge and evidence had been compiled against Jon Burge and his administration, the evidence and allegations were intentionally hidden from the public at large. Although in most cases the State's Attorney's office was aware of allegations of torture it used the coerced statements to convict the torture survivors and send them to prison anyway all throughout the 1980’s (Chicago Torture Memorials). Though allegations of the torture had been made for almost the last decade it was not till 1993 that the torture was recognized and Burge was fired from his post with pension and jail time for less than 5 years. Thus showing that black bodies were not worthy of justice in the eyes of the city.

Torture in Chicago By the Numbers, Even today Survivors Still Remain in Jail

Source: (“ Amnesty International USA.")

Real justice was not attempted until outrage from local activists pushed the city to do more. Activist Organizations Amnesty International USA, We charge Genocide, Chicago Torture Justice Memorial and Project NIA organized to produce an ordinance for Reparations for the survivors of torture. The survivors left with very little aid from the city and very little recognition of the events that had occurred were left into communities without the community resources or assets to necessary to heal.

An ordinance was then created to adequately address and recognize the victimhood of the black bodies tortured under Burge and there worthiness for compensation. The bill called for “a formal apology for the torture; specialized counseling services to the Burge torture survivors and their family members on the South Side; free enrollment and job training in City Colleges for survivors and family members (including grandchildren) as well as prioritized access to other City programs, including help with housing, transportation and senior care; a history lesson about the Burge torture cases taught in Chicago Public schools to 8th and 10th graders; the construction of a permanent public memorial to the survivors; and it sets aside $5.5 million for a Reparations Fund for Burge Torture Victims that will allow the Burge torture survivors with us today to receive financial compensation for the torture they endured” ( Torture Justice Memorials). This package eventually passed making it the first piece of legislation specifically using the word Reparations in the title to achieve compensation. No only was the achieval of reparations a rebellion against that sanctioned acts of torture it was a rebellion against state violence the social conditions created in anti blackness that deemed Chicagoans unworthy of humanity and unworthy of victimhood and justice through the continuous denial of services.

A picture I took from my work with we Charge Genocide and the Reparations. Local Activists were essential to its passing

Source: My own Picture of a poster I worked on

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