July/August 1968 issue.

Andulka
art blog(derogatory)
styofa doing anything

JBB: An Artblog!
TVSTRANGERTHINGS
$LAYYYTER
Xuebing Du

shark vs the universe
"I'm Dorothy Gale from Kansas"
d e v o n

⁂

pixel skylines

Product Placement

Kiana Khansmith
trying on a metaphor
DEAR READER
🪼

blake kathryn

oozey mess
NASA

seen from United States
seen from United States

seen from T1
seen from United States

seen from Netherlands
seen from Türkiye

seen from United Kingdom
seen from United States

seen from United States
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seen from Brazil

seen from United States
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seen from Saudi Arabia

seen from United States
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seen from Singapore
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@interpretation-functional
July/August 1968 issue.
An ambiguous question
A couple of weeks ago my college held a graduate symposium, and it was a broad-ranging and very interesting day, with presentations from computer science, psychology, physics, classics, and even a ‘three-minute thesis’ on lucid dreaming. A colleague of mine gave a talk entitled, ‘Telling time: time in the worlds’ languages’ (the theme was time – a linguists’ bounty!), in which he gave us a whistle-stop tour of languages with grammatically encoded aspect1, languages with three tenses (like English), with just two tenses (nonpast and past, or non-future and future), and with no tenses at all. Languages like Chinese varieties don’t have any grammatical inflection to indicate tense (like we have in English, by adding -ed to regular verbs in the past tense, for example).
Sir John Tenniel’s illustration of the Caterpillar for Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland
In the question time, various members of the audience voiced surprise at how this might be. How can speakers of languages without tenses talk about time? How on earth do they get along? The intuition here, nurtured by our own linguistic experience, is that the ambiguity of tenseless sentences would be unsurmountable. If someone hears a sentence like ‘John eat cake’, which could mean John eats cake, John will eat cake, John ate cake, John had eaten cake, and so on, how are they to know which meaning is intended?
This raises the question, just how rife is ambiguity in language? And is it all that terrible anyway? Of course, in fine rhetoric, technical writing, and especially legal language, there is good reason to avoid ambiguity. While in other corners of language, such as poetry, there is reason to embrace it:
Never seek to tell thy love Love that never told can be For the gentle wind does move Silently invisibly (William Blake, referenced by Grice, 1975)
In lexical semantics, we try to carefully distinguish ambiguity from polysemy and vagueness (although you can probably think of examples where they mesh).
Ambiguity occurs when a form has two (or more) meanings, e.g., He went to the bank to relax with some fishing / to sort out a mortgage. (So, strictly speaking, our Chinese example above is not a case of ambiguity in a technical sense, more underspecification.)
Polysemy refers to a single word with more than one sense, a cluster of related meanings. e.g., I buy the newspaper that your dad works at. (clue: product and institution)
Vagueness concerns borderline cases. How few hairs does a man have to have to count as bald? How tall does a ‘tall man’ have to be?
And when you start looking, ambiguity is all around you. Besides lexical ambiguity (some more examples include ‘run’, ‘port’, ‘rose’, ‘like’, ‘cleave’, ‘book’, and ‘light’), there’s syntactic ambiguity, where the structure of a sentence allows for more than one interpretation, of which some infamous examples are:
Visiting relatives can be boring. The chicken is ready to eat.
And semantic scope ambiguity, like this:
Every Cambridge student has borrowed some books. > every Cambridge student has borrowed some (or other) books > there are some (particular) books that every Cambridge student has borrowed.
CC Martin (Flickr)
So it is beginning to look like (accidental) ambiguity may not be such a rare thing. But isn’t this a deficiency in our linguistic system? If hearers are constantly having to work out what speakers mean, isn’t that a lot of effort on their part? Well, I think that kind of worried response assumes that speakers and hearers are just like transmitters and decoders. Or, to put it another way, it follows the ‘mind as computer metaphor’ – programming languages do not contain ambiguity, after all. But that’s precisely because machines that parse code are rather different from sophisticated human minds that are able to make subtle and fast inferences about speakers’ intentions. (And, besides, this ambiguity doesn’t seem to have stopped us communicating pretty well so far).
Today I read an intriguing article by Piantadosi, Tily & Gibson which sets out two reasons why ambiguity is actually expected in a communicative system like language. Firstly, given that words and phrases occur in a context which is itself informative (the preceding discourse, the social and world context, the speaker and hearer’s background knowledge), disambiguating information encoded lexically could actually be redundant, and an efficient language will not convey redundant information. Secondly, they follow Zipfian principles that suggest that ambiguity may arise from a trade-off between ease of production (lazy speakers who want to say the minimum) and ease of comprehension (lazy hearers who want maximum clarity and minimum work of interpretation). But, importantly, the fact that it seems that production – articulation of utterances – seems to be ‘costly’ (whatever that means in terms of physical / psychological processes), while inference – interpreting potential ambiguity – seems to be relatively cheap, means that where an ‘easy’ word in terms of production has two distinct meanings that usually turn up in different contexts, this is an overall win for the linguistic system (compared to one ‘easy’ and one ‘hard’ word form for the two different meanings). Crucially, though, this relies on communicators who are adept at pragmatic inferences, as Grice and other pragmaticians have long proposed.
So coming back to our example of Chinese and other ‘poor’ languages without tense: besides other strategies they have to express temporality, like adverbs (today, yesterday, now, in the past etc), their speakers can safely assume that their hearers are able to make the necessary pragmatic inferences given the context to work out what the speakers intend to communicate, therefore avoiding ambiguity, and, perish the thought, miscommunication.
1 Aspect, roughly speaking, is how an event is viewed in relation to time. One common distinction is between perfective and imperfective, which is a bit like viewing an event from the outside as a complete whole (perfective) or zooming in on a part of it on the inside (imperfective). In English, this would be the difference between ‘John ate the cake’ and ‘John was eating the cake’. References Grice, H. P. (1975). Logic and conversation. In R. Stainton (Ed.), Perspectives in the Philosophy of Language (pp. 41–58). Broadview Press. Piantadosi, S. T., Tily, H., & Gibson, E. (2012). The communicative function of ambiguity in language. Cognition, 122(3), 280–291.
An ambiguous question was originally published on CamLangSci
I’ve said it before and I’ll say it again because it’s a very useful pronoun.
If the word doesn’t exist, invent it; but first be sure it doesn’t exist.
Charles Baudelaire (via thatlitsite)
The that-trace effect: What is it and why is it interesting?
What is the that-trace effect?
In English, the subordinating conjunction that is often optional.
(1) You think that John kissed Mary.
(2) You think John kissed Mary.
(1) and (2) are both acceptable sentences in English: that is present in (1) but absent in (2).
When we ask a question about an element inside the subordinate clause, that usually remains optional, as in (3) and (4). Note how who(m) appears in sentence-initial position. However, we still intuitively feel that, in this particular example, it is the direct object of kissed. Since direct objects in English follow the relevant verb (Mary follows kissed in (1) and (2)), we can capture this intuition by putting a trace of who(m), represented as twho(m), in the position just after kissed.
(3) Who(m) do you think that John kissed twho(m)?
(4) Who(m) do you think John kissed twho(m)?
However, there are instances when that is not optional. When we ask a question about the subject of the subordinate clause (corresponding to John in all the examples so far), that must be absent (* means that the sentence is unacceptable).
(5) *Who do you think that twho kissed Mary?
(6) Who do you think twho kissed Mary?
The unacceptable configuration involves that followed immediately by a trace, hence this effect is called the that-trace effect (Perlmutter, 1968).
Why is the that-trace effect interesting?
The that-trace effect is interesting in a number of respects, but I’ll just mention two of them. The first is the question of how we, as English speakers, come to ‘know’ that there is a contrast between (5) and (6) given that that is generally optional as we saw in (1) and (2), and (3) and (4). Unless you’ve studied syntax, you’ve probably never been explicitly taught that there exists a that-trace effect in English at all. So how do we learn such an effect? Phillips (2013) looks at how frequent examples like (3-6) are in a corpus of speech directed at children. This is what he found (Phillips, 2013: 144):
(7)
a. Who do you think that John met __? 2 / 11,308
b. Who do you think John met __? 159 / 11,308
c. *Who do you think that __ left? 0 / 11,308
d. Who do you think __ left? 13 / 11,308
The corpus contains 11,308 examples of wh-questions (i.e. questions involving the wh-phrases who, what, etc.). Out of the 11,308 examples, there were no examples of the form in (7c), i.e. cases where the subject of the subordinate clause is questioned. This is the configuration that English speakers judge unacceptable. What is particularly interesting is (7a). Out of the 11,308 examples, there were only two tokens where that is present and the direct object of the subordinate clause has been questioned. Yet speakers judge such sentences as acceptable. If examples like (7a) are so rare, why don’t speakers hypothesise that (7c) just happens to be very rare as well? Alternatively, given how rare it is to find that in wh-questions, why don’t speakers hypothesise that that is generally impossible in wh-questions? Either way, it is quite difficult to see how the contrast between (5) and (6) (or (7c) and (7d)) can be acquired purely from child-directed speech. We thus hypothesise that there is something about the way the syntax (of English) works that allows us to ‘know’ about the that-trace effect. This is a classic argument based on the poverty of the stimulus.
The second point of interest comes from the fact that English has a that-trace effect as well as an anti-that-trace effect. The anti-that-trace effect can be seen in relative clauses. In English, we can form relative clauses using that. In general, that is optional in relative clauses just as it is in (1-4) above (we use traces again and the relative clause is in boldface).
(8) The woman that John kissed twoman is called Mary.
(9) The woman John kissed twoman is called Mary.
In (8) and (9) we have relativised a direct object; woman is interpreted as the direct object of kissed inside the relative clause.
Now, if we relativise a subject, that is no longer optional. In such cases, that is obligatory.
(10) The man that tmankissed Mary is called John.
(11) *The man tman kissed Mary is called John.
Once again there is something special about the relationship between that and the subject of the subordinate clause. However, the effect in (10) and (11) is the exact opposite of the that-trace effect seen in (5) and (6)! As seen in (5), that immediately follow by a trace is unacceptable; that must be absent, as in (6). In (10) and (11), the situation is reversed. As seen in (10), that immediately followed by a trace is acceptable; the absence of that results in unacceptability, as in (11). We thus call the effect in (10) and (11), the anti-that-trace effect.
The problem for us, then, is that there is something about the syntax of English that allows us to ‘know’ that the that-trace effect exists, but which also allows the existence of its opposite, the anti-that-trace effect. The challenge, which I am working on at the moment, is to find out what that something is!
References
Perlmutter, D. M. (1968). Deep and surface structure constraints in syntax. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.
Phillips, C. (2013). On the nature of island constraints II: Language learning and innateness. In J. Sprouse & N. Hornstein (Eds.), Experimental Syntax and Island Effects (pp. 132–157). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
The that-trace effect: What is it and why is it interesting? was originally published on CamLangSci
I have a new favourite journal article.
Lit crit: verbs
Almost all of his sentences contains at least a verb which makes the book a series of actions.
Quine would, apparently, accept a very strong version of a theory of innate ideas as compatible with his framework. Thus he considers the possibility that “a red ball, a yellow ball, and a green ball are less distant from one another in… the child’s… quality space than from a red kerchief”. It is difficult to see how this differs from the assumption that ‘ball’ is an innate idea, if we admit the same possibilities along other ‘dimensions’ (particularly, if we allow these dimensions to be fairly abstract). In this respect, then, Quine seems to depart quite radically from the leading ideas that guided empiricist theory and to permit just about anything imaginable, so far as 'learning’ of concepts is concerned.
Chomsky, ‘Quine’s Empirical Assumptions’, 1969, pp. 54-55 (via thisandcat)
Another piece of evidence that ASL is independent of English can be found in its sentence structure. For example, in English it is correct to say either ‘I gave the book to him’ or 'I gave him the book.’ But in ASL only the second structure, called the dative, is possible. The signed sequence I-GIVE-HIM MAN BOOK ('I gave a man a book’) is correct, but I-GIVE-HIM BOOK MAN is ungrammatical. In this particular way, ASL resembles not English but languages unrelated to English, such as the Mayan language, Tzotzil, which permit only dative structures.
Deaf in America by Carol Padden and Tom Humphries (via mightbebeautiful)
Karstulan Brita-Liisa, Mylly-Matin äidinäiti, oli karhunhäpäisijä. Kun karhu tappoi lehmän Luusaaressa niin kylä haki mummin sitä häpäisemään. Ja mummu oli siinä 3 vuorokautta pyllyssä metsään päin. Karhu tuli ja näki mummun siinä pyllyttävän, meni pois, niin se häpesi. Ja 3 vuotta sai kylän karja olla karhulta rauhassa. Yksi vuorokausi vastasi aina yhtä vuotta siinä “pyllytyksessä." Brita-Liisa of Karstula [Town in central Finland], grand-mother of Mill-Matt, was a bear-shamer [Karhu=bear, häpäistä=to shame, häpäisijä=shamer]. When a bear killed a cow in Luusaari [lit. bone island] the village got the granny to shame it. And the granny was there for 3 days in a row buttocks pointed towards the forest. The forest came and saw the granny there buttocking [pylly= buttocks, ass, pyllyttää= to buttock], went away, so ashamed it was. And for three years was the cattle of the village left in peace by the bear. One day was one year in that buttocking.
Risto Pulkkinen, suomalainen kansanusko, p.319
And this is a story how magically powerful female genitalia is, on the same page there is a story of a lady who turned away a bear by just lifting up her skirt and the bear hid its eyes with its paws and ran away. This is because the power of women [naisenväki] was more powerful than the bears’.
(via thothofnorth)
learning Latin is great, because you learn Latin and you basically learn every language. What’s that? Latin won’t help you with Korean grammar? Then I’m afraid that doesn’t exist. because every language comes from Latin. all of them
The intro to David Beaver’s talk entitled “The X” Files, at “Going Heim”, the workshop hosted by the UConn Logic group in honour of Irene Heim
I’m just a little disappointed that he missed the opportunity to make the examples about Scully dissecting aliens, since we definitely don’t know how many hearts they have :)
GIF graphs of tone melodies and model predictions!
from Inkelas & Shih. 2015. “Tone Melodies in the Age of Surface Correspondence” (presented at Chicago Linguistic Society 51)
CLICK HERE to view a PDF version of the complete vocabulary list, which you can then download and save to your own computer.
Some other cool expressions to add to this list include:
le courriel - email
clavarder - chat (online)
le système d’exploitation - operating system
le pourriel - junk email/spam
l’hameçonnage - phishing
le foire aux questions - FAQ
le mot clic - hashtag
la baladodiffusion - podcast
wow…this is one word in German but in English it would be three words….incredible…I’d best add it to my list of German Words That Can Never Be Translated
It is vastly more likely that you know how to use your native language than that Microsoft programmers have achieved fully accurate automated grammar analysis and advice.
Geoffrey K. Pullum (via linguisten)
Vyvan Evans (the author of the book The Language Myth) threatened another linguist with libel for criticism of his book. This is unbelievable coming from an academic, and goes against everything that academics (should) stand for in terms of academic freedom and scientific inquiry.
This comment represents pretty much my reflections about this exchange, although I was far too dumbfounded at the time when I actually saw it cross my facebook feed last night to say anything articulate.