Nationalism Archaeology in Eastern Europe
When people think of the word "archaeology" an image of Indiana Jones wearing a pair of khakis cargo shorts, a vest of many pockets, and a large-brimmed hat while digging in the dirt for artifacts, comes to mind. The political ideologies affiliated with nationalism often does not lend the imagination to the adventures of archaeology, yet archaeology and history share the same family tree. What differentiates history and archaeology? History, a subjective documentation depends on written sources and archaeology depends on physical artifacts for accurate records of history. The ideologies of nationalism are complicated and answers surrounding questions to a definition will not be provided in the following research. Instead, its purpose persists in the manifestation of nationalism from nations, while applying the development of nationalism archaeology. First, by a discussion of the development of nationalism archaeology. Second, how ethnicities were decided when nation-states were developed. Third, excavation methods and fourth, the mass suicides myth at Masada. Fifth, how the Nazi party used archaeological excavations in their favor. Sixth, how Mussolini uncovered Rome and ruled Italy with an iron fist and finally, with a brief look at nationalism today in Israel, Germany, and Italy.
The emergence of Nationalism Archaeology
Archaeologists are both curators and interpreters of assembled memory as represented by the material record of past human populations. The importance of archaeological evidence to political systems is indicated by the persistence with which such evidence is used to afford authority to nationalist movements. Examples of that were observed in the nationalist development in Germany after WWI & II. The creation of ethnic identity in modern Germany is notably what the average person envisions when thinking of nationalist archaeology—Hitler vs Indiana Jones. An ethnic classification was identifiable in the late 19th century at the end of the Napoleonic wars, amass fascist changes in the early 20th century. The Industrial Revolution was nearing the end of its peak by 1840[1]. Meanwhile, though nationalism has a much older history, modern Eastern European nationalism was at the beginning of a new life during WWI. The pinnacle of Slavophobia occurred during WWII when Nazi Germany classified the Polish to be primitive people and vowed to exterminate almost all Slavs[2]. Nationalism and ethnic separatism were the results of the fears Europeans had towards the anticipated threat of cultural homogenization, the significance in archaeological research on regional developments, and the native developments in prehistory.
Ethnicity in the Formation of Nation-States
Ethnicity and nationalism are closely related, insofar, nationalism was based on true or assumed ethnic ties[3]. However, nationalism was more akin to ideological and political depth, such as the expressed desire of a people to establish and maintain sovereignty. When ethnicity became nationalist, the result was the rise of ethnonational. Consequently, was proven
threatening for the existence of the state and lead to ethnic conflict and fragmentation, such as the case of Yugoslavia[4]. The ethnic balance of former Yugoslavia has frequently caused conflict and political weakness since the Middle Ages. The volatile medieval kingdoms, frequently embellished in modern nationalist historiography, were ultimately replaced by the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires in the 15th and 17th centuries respectively and ruled until the end of World War I[5]. After a short period of political uncertainty, a united political entity surfaced in 1945 under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito, who enforced a form of socialist dictatorship independent from the Soviet Union.
An ethnic conflict erupted again in 1990, mainly between Albanians, Catholic Croats, Orthodox Serbs, and Muslim Bosnians, from the rise to nationalist excitement—the course of Yugoslavian decentralization is still in process with Kosovo, the sixth to claim independence from the federation. Modernistically, nationalist excitement in the Balkans appeared for the first time in the late 18th and 19th century against the Ottomans and the Austrians, when a similar movement was happening in other European regions. Parallel to these events, Balkan archaeology appeared and developed in this period as a political instrument under control of Slav patriots—medieval archaeology developed because of the medieval roots of ethnic rivalries[6].
The two eras of Yugoslav archaeology agreed to the two main political phases of the area. During the period in which the Serbs had a chief role in united Yugoslavia (1945-1990), politics engaged archaeology for supporting the idea of a pan-Slav reality. In the 1950s, many early Slavonic sites were excavated in northern Slovenia, in the identical place where archaeologists of the Ahnenerbe (the Nazi 'Ancestral Heritage Society') hunted for evidence of German occupation. This effort, to compare the abuse of history that justified German war crimes, was unavoidably approached with the same theoretical methodology. Concurrently, another project on Slavonic settlements was being finalized in the Yugoslav-occupied Zone B of the Trieste Territory, refuted by Italy[7]. Anew, following the first Albanian ferments in 1981, there was a sizable increase in excavations and surveys promoted by the Serbian Academy of Science and Art, which proved to be a long Serb occupation. [8]The archaeological documents produced by this institution have been the intellectual vindication for Slobodan Milosevic's genocide policies.
After the start of the second phase, each republic became independent. Archaeology was selected for the identification of ethnic-specific detail in the archaeological landscape—coincidentally, ethnic groups started identifying themselves with non-Slav cultures and symbols, seeking aspects which could wholly recognize them from the other Slavs, including the adoption of a different alphabet. Respectfully, two cases are distinctly relevant. The first one involved Slovenia and its development since the mid-1980s of native theories on the origin of Slovenians, allegedly to be either Etruscan or Venetian[9]. The second case came from the Republic of Macedonia: a new country whose name and flag caused contention with Greece. Macedonia was the name of an ancient civilization and three modern Greek regions. The naming of the Republic after them was an appropriation of present and past Greek cultural factors, despite a possible claim of land. Regarding the flag, the sixteen-pointed star of Vergina, traceable on many archaeological finds, was an obvious inclination to identify with Alexander's Macedonia[10].
Excavation Methods and Materials
Cultural art, clothing, physical structures, currency, tools, weapons, human remains, and other artifacts can tell us about the geography of a few certain ethnic groups; their lifestyles, religions, and even political systems. Cultural heritage was represented through the banknotes of Croatia, the landscape in Bosnia, and through the discovery of pyramids in Sarajevo. Egregious
misinterpretations of the archaeological record were made and improved by the theoretical methodology implemented recently in the Balkans. In this method, material culture (ceramic typologies and styles) was used to spot ethnic groups. Development in the data was explained through migrations or invasions, as a result, with the advent of a new people. The importance of gathered materials from ethnic groups was evidence of their existence. The result was the building of representational calendars, which determined 'impermeable' cultures in time and space, using ethnicity as an organizing standard[11]. Themes like ethnic and linguistic designs and territorial conflicts were often contacted by Yugoslav archaeologists. For instance, Draga Garasamin (1972) concluded that the Bronze Age evolved as a very important stage in the process of formation of the Paleobalkan peoples, their ethnogenesis, and the historical events that have left their imprint, in a sense on the historical evolution of the old Balkans[12]. [13]Scarcely isolated figures, such as the prehistorians France Stare and Stane Gabrovec and the medievalist Bogo Grafenauer, attempted and opposed this methodology, coordinating themselves with the position of most archaeologists in Western Europe and America.
In Slovenia and Croatia, where the conflict had been less messy, there was room for the development of the discipline, but positions and methods were abandoned. However, manipulation of the cultural heritage was not. One of the best devices for the dissipation of state ideology was the symbolism articulated on coins and banknotes: copious notes issued by countries all over the world have elements of their cultural heritage as the central theme. [14]The reverse of the 20 kuna banknote looks like a narrative of Croatian recent history, along with an act of control of the details depicted. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is a similar reference to the historical landscape on the Bosnian variant of banknotes, where the typical and extensive medieval carved tombstones (stecci) are characterized. The role played by the cultural heritage in Bosnia is still heterogenous today, as mirrored by the current political and ethnic situation. The case of the multiethnic town of Pocitelj is symbolic: here the restoring of the historical Centre, led by the University of York, had attempted to abuse the archaeological excavations undertaken. Christian Croats prevented the reconstruction of a mosque destroyed because it was alleged to be rebuilt on the site of a Christian church, and any information supporting Christian roots of the settlement was cause for disputes and provocations[15]. A better-known reconstruction was of the Stari Most (Old Bridge) in Mostar, it was bombed and ruined for its symbolic value. Perhaps the most significant event was the 'discovery' of the pyramids of Visoko, near Sarajevo. Here, the amateur archaeologist Semir Osmanagic maintained the presence of an ancient great pyramid complex; the questionable and manipulated evidence upholding this discovery confirmed the skepticism from academics, and the entire case appeared to be an attempt to create a national monument for the Bosnians and to promote tourism[16].
The case of Yugoslav ethicists presented a contention in the process of archaeology, specifically in the way archaeologists should have interacted with politics and society. The pursuit for an impartial path proposed an impossible task. Archaeologists are humans and citizens of nation-states, so, they determined speculation about the past from their present situation. It remained the predicament that even the most professional archaeological interpretation can be commanded by politics or society, as the Pocitelj case indicated. Besides, in some socio-political contexts, when archaeology cultivated into a cognizant, independent discipline, a loss of interest and money from the public and the State was occasionally noticed. As Novakovic and Slapšak wrote, "Archaeology can avoid nationalism, but nationalism cannot do without archaeology," and despite any effort, archaeological work will always be political.
Nationalism requires the elaboration of a real or invented past...how archaeological data are manipulated for nationalist purposes. - Philip Kohl
The Myth of Mass Suicide at Masada
As mentioned earlier, there is no official definition of 'nationalism' and history is neither true nor false. During the creation or retelling of historical narratives, certain events can be told from bias, interpretation depends on individuals, and unintentional mistakes are made. One of the most well-known tales in Judaism is the tale of the group suicide of Masada. In 73/74 CE, nine hundred sixty Jewish men, women, and children committed suicide on top of the mountain of Masada near the Dead Sea in Israel in preference of being captured by the Romans. The fable, told by the Roman historian Josephus, is one of the most acclaimed from antiquity, but did it really happen? The late Yigael Yadin, Israeli archaeologist from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem excavated the site in the mid-1960s[17]. Yadin said that the objects found during his dig proved that the mass suicide occurred. In 1995 and 2002, Nachman Ben-Yehuda, a sociologist also at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, unearthed that Yadin had been flawed in his interpretations, possibly even intentionally for an imagined nationalist narrative to help the young state of Israel forge an identity for itself.
Masada also served as a warning about using or misusing archaeological evidence to reinforce a nationalistic agenda. The debate over Masada involved the reliability of Josephus’s account; the credibility of Yadin, conceivably the most recognized of all Israeli archaeologists; and the influence of nationalism on the interpretation of archaeological revelations. The conflicting interpretations from scholars raised more questions about the historical events that took place before other logical recoveries could tell a different story. Whom do we believe? How should we view this apparently tragic, heart-wrenching ancient site and event? Can evidence be amassed from thousands of years ago to establish the ancestry, legal properties, and birthright of peoples today?
The work that Yadin managed at Masada over two excavation seasons–from October 1963 to May 1964, and again from November 1964 to April 1965–was a breakthrough for archaeology in many ways. For instance, Yadin was the first to utilize international volunteers to help dig the site. The total numbers that took part are also impressive–Yadin maintained to have had no less than 300 volunteers digging at Masada at any moment during his excavations. About 50,000 cubic yards of dirt was sifted–the first time that all the dirt had been sifted at an excavation in Israel. Consequently, numerous small items were found that may have been missed contrarily, including hundreds of coins, pieces of pottery with inscriptions on them, and small pieces of jewelry such as rings and beads[18]. The coins permitted Yadin to date the remains that they were uncovering precisely–especially the coins that had been made just a few years earlier during the First Jewish Revolt.
It was not a mass suicide, it was a mass slaughter. Josephus, wrote to Rome using notes and daybooks from the present commanding officers, may have been ordered to whitewash the events. There was evidence that Josephus took the story that he told about the men killing their families (ten men killing the others), and finally, one man killing the final persons, from his own experience. Several years earlier, in 67 CE, during the first rebellion against Rome, Josephus was a Jewish general fighting the Romans at a site called Jotapata. They managed to hold off the Romans for forty-seven days, then he and forty others took refuge in a cave, where they decided to commit suicide. Josephus, however, did not commit suicide, he surrendered[19].
The false archaeological discoveries affected the nationalism of the State of Israel. The suicides were viewed as dignifying for the Israeli to take control of how they were going to die. When the country was not yet a nation, it was nationalistic, more so than being overpowered by the Romans. Yadin's version of what happened at Masada described the Roman Army, under the leadership of Julius Caesar, as unintelligent and weak. Roman military strategy demanded legionnaires to persist in the advantage whenever and wherever they acquired it, regardless of the time of day or night[20]. Control of the past provides a source of legitimization for control of the future” - Philip Kohl
Nazi's Creation of the 'Master Race'
Another notable myth, perhaps the most infamous, is the Nazi party's attempt to prove that Aryans are the master race. The Nazis had their own version of Yadin; Heinrich Himmler, assistant head of the Gestapo, chief of the SS, and the architect behind Hitler's plan to exterminate European Jews[21]. In 1935, Himmler founded the Abnenerbe, (as previously mentioned) a Nazi research institute whose purpose was to find new evidence of the accomplishments of German ancestors by using scientific methods. The institute studied rock engravings, ancient text, and folklore. Himmler would eventually create an Excavations Department to direct archaeological digs at major landmarks in Germany. SS men were trained in archaeology to recover the ancient Germanic past by digging. The Excavations Department brought new scientific comprehension to nationalist archaeology. The Abnenerbe included amateur archaeologists trained to analyze very small bits of ancient stone, bone, and ceramics. Himmler hoped that would help regenerate the lives of Germany's ancestors before their first written documentation and to spread knowledge of the legendary "Nordic" race.
The Abnenerbe did not actually find honest evidence. Instead, prominent researchers distorted the truth and created evidence in support of Hitler's belief in a 'master class'. Hitler believed in a fictional Aryan "Nordic" race; tall, platinum blonde men and women from Northern Europe with the brilliance to create civilization. Archaeologists could not find physical evidence of a master race who gave birth to all humankind. Hitler claimed that most Germans were descendants of ancient Nordics. To please Hitler, Himmler hired young and intelligent novices to reveal a new portrait of the ancient world of Aryans delivering light to inferior races—the hired young men illustrated Hitler's claim that Aryans conceived civilization, therefore, are the master class.
The swastika is the most well-known symbol in the world, representing the evils of the Third Rule of Germany (Third Reich), and its lesser-known history appropriated by Adolf Hitler. It has been used as a symbol of 'good fortune' all around the world from Japan to India, England, Greece, and even Germany to name a few places. The oldest swastika was found in Ukraine, dated 12,000 years. Ironically, the earliest use of the swastika dates back 8,000 years to the Vinca Culture in the geographic area where now lies Serbia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Croatia. Thousands of years later, Nazis would flip the symbol for 'good fortune' literally and metaphorically. In 1868, the German merchant and archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann thought he had recovered the ancient Greek city of Troy, and so excavations followed a few years later. Over 18,000 swastika-like symbols were uncovered among pottery fragments on all archaeological levels of Troy. For Schliemann and the nationalists, that was evidence of continuity of race, therefore, the ancient people of Troy must have been Aryan[22]. The swastika was also present among the archaeological remains of the Germanic tribes discovered by Himmler's team, because of this connection nationalists jumped to the conclusion that the Germans and the Greeks were both descendants of the Aryans. The once ancient global symbol of purity was now a symbol of Nazi power, nationalist feelings, and set a boundary between non-German or non-Aryan identity and German.
Nationalists had already appropriated the religious symbol of good fortune, prosperity, and purity for Germans at the end of WWI before it was attached to the Nazi party. The anti-Semitics, Thule Society, sponsored the Nazi party and to gain more visibility. They designed a banner in the colors of the recently defeated Germany; black, white, and red with a modernized swastika at center. Hitler claimed, in Mein Kampf, to having designed the banner entirely on his own and adapted meaning to the colors and swastika on the banner; the red symbolized social ideology within the movement, white was for nationalism, and the swastika was the symbol of the struggle for the victory of Aryan men[23]. The banner successfully became the visual identity of the Nazi movement while the Nazis united the country with their racist Aryan ideology.
Patriotism and nationalism became interchangeable as the swastika saturated Germany. In 1933, Joseph Goebbels (Hitler's minister of propaganda) prohibited the unauthorized use of the hooked swastika. By 1933, the Nazi party's banner became the national flag of Germany until 1945[24]. Since the collapse of the Third Reich, public displays of the Nazi swastika and salute are illegal in Germany but are still used to represent white supremacist groups worldwide. Perhaps the evils of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party were so abhorrent that the appropriation of the swastika can never be reversed, at least in the Western world.
Mussolini's Fascist Archaeology Projects
During the same time that the Nazi party was rising, Benito Mussolini and his fascist regime came to power in Italy in 1922[25]. The fascists Hitler and Mussolini both used archaeology to manipulate the minds of their countries' citizens. Hitler, by claiming that archaeological discoveries proved Germans to be descendants of the 'Master Race'. Mussolini, by rebuilding ancient Rome and signing his name across the city while doing so. When Mussolini came to power, his goal was to prove to the rest of the Western world that Italy could recover from WWI, pull itself out of political and economic decline, and encapsulate its strength and power. To do so, Mussolini reconstructed the political system into an authoritative totalitarian regime, promoted the rights of the agrarian population, heightened censorship, and became a part of the Axis of Evil with Hitler and Stalin. Mussolini used excavations and reconstructions of ancient Roman archaeological sites, as well as new monumental architecture to transform the city of Rome into a physical setting to show that the Fascist state was the lineal descendant of the ancient Roman empire[26].
In the twenty years that Mussolini ruled, he reorganized and redeveloped Rome by designing buildings, bridges, and roads, which strengthened the cities of Italy's fascist identity. He added momentous new public buildings that supported his fascist ideology with a strong national identity. Significant monuments were effective because they idolized both the Fascist regime and united the party to ancient Rome. Old Rome connected to the new Roman Empire was coined, "Mystical fervor". The name indicated that renovations in Rome were extraordinary, not only for its original strength but chiefly for its resurrection and its endurance. The city was no longer expressions of the will of single individuals and political alchemies, but expressions of virtually subliminal strength. The inception of the racial politics added a biological aspect to the theme, perchance.
One of many archaeological excavations ordered by Mussolini, the ancient sporting events venue, Circus Maximus, was full of rubble until Mussolini began to uncover the historic site. A series of exhibits were held at the Circus, which promoted nationalism through fascist art. In 1936, Mussolini's vision of interconnecting architectural form to fascism through a design of the EUR (Esposizione Universale Roma), a city outside of Rome, was fulfilled. The city plan used a style called Italian Rationalism, a functional system of wide roads organized in an orderly symmetrical style, rhythm, and proportion. The city has several outdoor sculptures, arches, colonnades, and an obelisk to summon the strong regional history and unite the people. Transit projects taken on by Mussolini included the major streets, bridges, and train stations of Via del Mar, Via dell'impero, Via della Conciliazione, Termi station, and the Ponte Ottobre[27]. The goal of these projects was to turn Rome into a fully modern efficient city with a strong cultural identity with clear visual bonds between historic landmarks. The existing Via dei Fori Imperiale, a four-lane boulevard at the heart of the city’s most prominent ancient excavations, is practically a monument. To those familiar with the history of the city, this road is more than just a central monument. It was one of the ways that fascist leader, Benito Mussolini, signed his name across the city. In one dramatic destructive act, he related himself to the ancient Roman emperors, modernized the city for the automobile, and created a massive open space for his crazed balcony speeches. Hitler was welcomed as if he were the Pope, along the avenue in 1938, celebrating the newfound alliance between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.
There are two eras of Rome; the republican Rome and the imperialist Rome. The republic preceded the civil wars, had people that were focused on the State life, and the State was defined as “totalitarian”. In the imperial time State Life disappeared, and with its disappearance, corruption began[28]. However, the empire offered the model of a stable global domination, of an ideal Rome that had, after the traumas of the civil wars, had recovered order and discipline. It was obvious after the second conquest of Ethiopia (1936); the dominant model could only be the imperial one. The conquest of Ethiopia represented the moment of the greatest success of a utopian Rome. The dictatorship now appeared justified by history, and the concept of the nation took on a Roman-imperial character.
Italy never censored Mussolini the way Germany condemned Hitler and the Nazis. Numerous Italians, under the influence of post-war efforts (supported by the United States) to purge the far left from political life, debated that it was possible to part all that was good about Mussolini in his first decade in power, from his “mistakes” later in the 1930s. The good that Italian residents refer to is the structural recovery of ancient Rome, housing complexes, hospitals, and schools that have not been demolished, despite Mussolini's signatures. Were the invasion and poisonous gassing of a fellow League of Nations member, Ethiopia, worth the sacrifice? He also allowed Italian Jews to be deported and killed, some of whom had supported Fascism. Mussolini dragged his country into WWII knowing that he did not have an army strong enough to defeat the British or the Russians. He was responsible for over 200k deaths in the war[29]. The death toll included when he was rescued by the Germans and Hitler placed in charge of a puppet government in North Italy, adding to the suffering of Italians. Perhaps a simplified history by some current Italians was a convenient consensus that allowed them to avoid the political dissonance of real debate about the legacy of Fascism.
The extensive archaeological history of nationalism and the deeply horrific crimes against humanity sometimes led to a conceptualization that race is biological; therefore, racism will always exist. When in fact, archaeological excavations and anthropological research in other areas of academia have proven that both race and gender are political constructs[30]. Today, nationalism in Eastern Europe looks like: Germany currently has laws censoring Nazi party propaganda, but at least one nationalist party is thriving. Founded by a former member of Angela Merkel's Democratic Union Party, Alexander Gauland led the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party into the German parliament. The AfD is the third strongest political party[31], after the Holocaust, Israel became a highly self-aware nationalistic society, where the Jewish autonomy of Zionism fused together with the new State of Israel. According to the definition in Article 6 Statute set by the International Crime Court, the extermination of the people in the West Bank is genocide. Approximately 85, 000, 000 people have died since the 1950 occupation and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians[32]. The most alarming update comes from Italy's fascist group, CasaPound, who have grown from 23 offices to 106 since 2003. They are dangerous, not only for their popularity but because they are trying to win seats in parliament[33].
When seeing stories of nationalists and extremists today, it is common to feel a little panic and fear, no matter where a person is from. History has shown over and over how violent humans can be, but there is also the beauty that is often ignored. Today, a better understanding of the ideologies of nationalism has been learned throughout the course through studying: culture, tradition, national myths, politics and national leaders. The question is not whether racism can be eradicated, but what the future of nationalism could look like in the future and precedence for controlling harrowing political constructs.
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[1] Wallace, W., American Revolution (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2018), https://www.britannica.com/event/American-Revolution.
[2] Polish Victims, (United States Holocaust Encyclopedia, 2016), https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10005473.
[3] Calhoun, C., "Nationality and Ethnicity," Annual Review of Sociology vol. 19 (1993): 211-39. Accessed 7 May 2018. http://www.columbia.edu/itc/sipa/U6800/readings-sm/calhoun.pdf.
[4] Shah, S. "Ethnic Conflict in Former Yugoslavia," Pakistan Institute of International Affairs 46, no. 1. (1993): 61-71, Accessed 4 May 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/41393412?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents.
[5] Jelavich, B., History of the Balkans. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 3-47.
[6] Kaiser, A., Archaeology and ideology in southeast Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 99-119.
[7] Curta, F., Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 500-507.
[8] Kaiser, "Archaeology and Ideology" (see footnote 6).
[9] Novaković, P., and Slapšak, B., Is there national archaeology without nationalism? Archaeological tradition in Slovenia (London: UCL Press, 1996), 256-293.
[10] Kohl, P., "Nationalism and Archaeology: On the Constructions of Nations and the Reconstructions of the Remote Past," Annual Review of Anthropology 27 (1998): 223-246.
[11] Curta, F., "Southeastern Europe," (see footnote 7).
[12] Kolaric, M., The Bronze Age of Serbia (Beograd: Narodni Muzej, 1972).
[13] Novaković and Slapšak, "Nationalism Archaeology?" (see footfoot 9).
[14] Kaiser, A., "Archaeology and ideology," (see footnote 6).
[15] Barakat, S., Kojakovic, M, Simcic, V. S. and Wilson, C., Challenges and Dilemmas Facing the Reconstruction of War-damaged Cultural Heritage: The Case Study of Pocitelj, Bosnia-Herzegovina (London: Routledge, 2001), 168.
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