#cellular confinement

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Jacob Riis, Cell in Penitentiary, Blackwell's Island. Silver gelatin photograph, ca. 1888 - ca. 1898. International Center of Photography, accession No. 191.1982.

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The Cell: Isolation and Loneliness in Long-Term Imprisonment

Prisoners’ experiences in the long-term estate were slightly different from those of the local prison inmates discussed above. Those confined in the long-term system were not committed directly to these prisons and therefore were not going into cells directly from the courts. They were not therefore suffering from immediate entry shock to the prison or suffering the instant effects of confinement. Those confined in the convict prison system would first be committed to a local prison and then would be removed to the convict prison estate, as all the convict prisons were in London and the South of England. Under a sentence of penal servitude, separation had evolved into the first stage of the sentence as separate confinement for up to nine months, usually served in Millbank and Pentonville convict prisons. 

Records of prisoners in the convict system of course present similar evidence to the frustrations of short-term prisoners, but this was also compounded by the geographical and physical isolation of being placed in the long term system. For prisoners from the North of England and the Midlands, the likelihood of visits from family or friends was limited by the long geographical distance and by expense. Only 12.4 per cent of all convicts ever received a visit and, for those with multiple sentences, this significantly declined as relationships with those outside fractured. In the local system, even by the 1920s, no visits were permitted until eight weeks into the sentence. 

Detailed analysis of their whole prison record as well as reconstructing their lives also allows us to see other evidence about their lives and the pressures they were facing. For example, although in the initial years of the convict system there had been short-lived prison nurseries, women confined in the convict prisons after the mid-1860s were unable to have children with them inside prison. Depending on the age of the child, those women without partners or people to care for them would find their children sent to workhouses or confined to terms in industrial schools under the Industrial Schools Act 1866 due to their mother’s offending. Evidence from these records demonstrates the frustration and anxiety that lack of family contact or ‘bad’ news (deaths in the family or loss of employment) from home could have on those in prison. Families and loved ones on the outside were often living in precarious situations, renting rooms or lodging, perhaps moving around seeking employment, and therefore many letters were returned as ‘not found at that address’ or ‘addressee unknown’. Perhaps unsurprisingly, for those in the convict system who had served multiple sentences their connections to those on the outside diminished with each sentence. The frustration, upset and sometimes distress of bad news were experienced by the prisoner within the isolation of the cell.

The second stage of penal servitude was served on the public works, during the mid to late nineteenth century, at a range of prisons built or adapted for this purpose: Brixton, Chatham, Chattenden, Dartmoor, Fulham, Parkhurst, Portland, Portsmouth and Woking. Cells in these establishments varied enormously but all of this development was overseen or directed by Joshua Jebb, initially the Surveyor-General from 1844 then the first Director of the Convict Prisons from 1850. Jebb firmly believed that ‘separation is the only basis on which the discipline of a prison can exist’. Some of these prisons were adapted but those entirely constructed also incorporated different types of cells. For example, at Chatham, Portland and Dartmoor, temporary cells made from corrugated iron sheets were used. Whilst prisoners spent the day working at the quarries or on naval dockyards, their night-time accommodation were cells separated by corrugated iron. 

From the Directorate’s point of view, this offered a portable construction and was cheaper financially. Thus, cell construction was not as fixed as might be expected. These cells remained in use until the mid-1890s when they were replaced; whilst they had offered an immediate solution for Jebb in constructing the long-term prison system in the 1850s and 1860s, they were small. They were only 206 cubic feet in size, which was about a quarter of the size of the 819 cubic feet dimensions of a standard night and day cell. This was justified since convicts occupied these cells from 5  p.m. to 7  a.m. and during days  when the weather was too bad to work (PCOM 7/3). Yet, the construction must have also allowed prisoners the possibility of communicating through the partition walls as well as exposing them to the cold and the heat during the more extreme weather periods of the year.

By the early 1890s there was increasing criticism of the prison system. Du Cane’s tight hold over the system (as both Director of the Convict Prisons and the local prisons after they were centralised in 1877) was a major source of criticism due to his autocratic and militaristic approach to leadership. There was also concern that the deterrent approach had gone too far. As an anonymous writer of a series of articles that appeared in the Daily Chronicle in 1894 summarised, the system was devoid of hope and reform, characterised by an endless monotonous regime. He observed; ‘our local prison system … enhances the faults of solitary confinement, and is marked more conspicuously than it by many terrible evils, cannot be maintained on its present military and purely centralised basis’ (29 January 1894: 5). In calling for a Royal Commission to inquire into the prison system, the ‘Special Correspondent’ (thought to be Reverend W. D. Morrison, chaplain of Wandsworth Prison) argued that: 

The ponderous iron gates, that hide more human misery than any other corner the civilised world contains, rarely open to receive a critical visitor. More perhaps might go if more knew or cared. But few know or care. The great machine rolls obscurely on, cumbrous, pitiless, obsolete, unchanged. The silent world—silent save when on some Sunday morning hundreds of voices may be heard in melancholy chorus of prayer or song—goes on receiving new citizens and discharging old ones, like the greater world around it. (Daily Chronicle, 23 January 1894: 5) 

By June 1894, the Home Secretary had appointed a Departmental Committee on Prison chaired by Herbert Gladstone. The committee collected a vast amount of information and evidence from those who worked in prisons as well as ex-prisoners. In 1894, the imprisonment of Oscar Wilde for offences under the Criminal Law Amendment Act also drew public attention to the prison system; during the years of his incarceration, he also published ferocious criticism of the brutality of the prison system.

The landmark Gladstone Committee report in 1895 did ameliorate some aspects of the severity of the prison system and advocated a combination of deterrence and rehabilitation in penal policy. Regarding separate confinement, Du Cane continued to urge the view that ‘cellular isolation was essential to the prevention of contamination and “that a great number of prisoners … are below par mentally … the thing to do with them … is to put them under control permanently”’. The Committee did not agree that separate confinement induced reflection in prisoners, but they largely supported Du Cane’s position that it was a ‘deterrent; and a necessary safeguard against contamination’ (1895: 20). Therefore, in the first few decades of the twentieth century, prison regimes were marked by continuity rather than any significant change and cellular isolation remained the dominant feature of the prisoner experience. 

Most of the Gladstone Committee’s recommendations applied to the long-term prisoners and thus, the majority of the daily prison population housed in local prisons were still subject to cellular isolation or separation and silence in daily regimes. Thus, despite Gladstone’s discussions, the common prisoner experience was one of cellular seclusion. Brocklehurst wrote, in 1898, of his 28-day sentence of solitary confinement: 

Imagine a blind man denied human intercourse, with power of motion only in a space 14 feet by 7, whose only contact with a limited outside world comes through the ceiling, walls and iron door, and you can form a faint idea of what life in prison must be. A prisoner sees nothing beyond the limits of his cell; feels only its discomforts; tastes the prescribed prison fare; hears limited sounds of his strange environment; and smells little beyond the scent of creosote as it exhales from the oakum. 

In 1910, the Chairman of the Prison Commission, Evelyn Ruggles-Brise, and the Home Secretary, Winston Churchill, attended the opening night of a controversial play by John Galsworthy called Justice, which criticised the prison system but notably focused upon the effects of separate confinement, continuing a recurrent debate that had persisted for the last seven decades. These events demonstrated the contested and often contradictory ways in which policies were implemented even in periods which are often regarded as more enlightened or progressive such as Churchill’s tenure.

Thus debate about separate confinement and its effects continued in the 1920s and 1930s. The unofficial inquiry into the prison system, English Prisons To-day was published in 1922. It was compiled by two ex-prisoners Stephen Hobhouse and A. Fenner Brockway—who were conscientious objectors to the First World War—and drew together a large amount of evidence on separation as well as prison conditions more broadly. By the 1920s the cell was still pretty sparse. Hobhouse and Brockway’s report on the prison system in 1922 explains that:

The warder unlocks the door leading into the great hall of the prison, and, with his bunch of jangling keys at hand, he accompanies the new inmate to the cell destined for his home. Here his name becomes lost, and he assimilates himself to the cell by buttoning on to his coat the unsightly yellow badge, inscribed with some such device as “A.3.21” or “C.2.8”, which had been hanging over the door of the empty cell. The warder sees that the cell water-can has been replenished and that the cleaning materials are not exhausted. The door is banged and double locked, and the prisoner is left alone with his thoughts. 

The cage in which he now finds himself is a stern and bare little room, of which the measurement are as a rule seven feet by thirteen and nine feet high. Its furniture consists of a wooden table (either movable or fixed), a small stool without a back, and a bed-board. The window is so high up that it is necessary to stand on the stool to look out of it, and this, to make matters worse, may be regarded as a punishable offence. (Hobhouse and Brockway 1922: 96) 

Similarly, Florence Maybrick, imprisoned for the murder of her husband in 1889, found separate confinement ‘by far the most cruel feature … it inflicts upon the prisoner at the commencement of her sentence, when most sensitive to the horrors which prison punishment entails, the voiceless solitude, the hopeless monotony, the long vista of to-morrow, tomorrow, to-morrow stretching before her, all filled with desolation and despair’ (1905: 75). 

The debate about the use and the extent of separate confinement continued into the early decades of the twentieth century, although some aspects of this were curtailed by the recommendations of the Gladstone Committee since most of their recommendations applied to long term prisoners. Despite some amelioration for long term prisoners, separate confinement was not abolished for all prisoners until 1931. The bulk of the prison population, located within the local prison system, therefore continued to spend the majority of their incarceration isolated in their cells. Whilst sentences were short, due to the progressive stage system (prisoners moving through 28-day stages based on time and behaviour) this meant that most of their prison experience was confinement with in their cell at the first stage.”

- Helen Johnston, “‘The Solitude of the Cell’: Cellular Confinement in the Emergence of the Modern Prison, 1850–1930,” in Jennifer Turner & Victoria Knight, editors, The Prison Cell: Embodied and Everyday Spaces of Incarceration. London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2020. pp. 35-40.

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Deterrence and Isolation

“By the mid-century, there were growing concerns about crime and recidivism as well as the decline in the use of transportation to Australia. In combination with the growing criticism of the separate system outlined above, penal regimes and prison practices became increasingly dominated by a more deterrent philosophy of punishment. This emphasis on deterrence would prevail at least until the end of the nineteenth century and a major investigation into prisons, provided by the Gladstone Committee in 1895. 

The decline of the transportation of convicts to Australia from the 1850s had also ensured that new measures to house convicted criminals were needed in England. To this end, the convict prison system was established where prisoners who would previously have been transported would instead serve long prison sentences known as penal servitude. Therefore, from this period until the mid-twentieth century, there existed two systems of imprisonment; short sentences (less than two years, but overwhelmingly offenders served sentences of less than one month) were served in local prisons administered by local authorities, and long sentences termed ‘penal servitude’ which were served in government-run convict prisons. 

By the 1860s, concerns about increasing crime, recidivism and the effectiveness of imprisonment in reforming offenders had influenced the idea that prison conditions need to be more severe. Both the Penal Servitude Act 1864 and the Prison Act 1865 led to increasingly harsher or more severe sentencing and prison policies undermined by a view that a more deterrent system was required. This translated into longer minimum sentences for new and repeat offenders and severe living conditions based on the notion of ‘hard labour, hard board, hard fare’ aiming to achieve maximum deterrence in prison regimes. For those in  local prisons, this entailed long hours of hard labour (at the crank or treadwheel, for example, both pointless repetitive activities), minimal diets and sparse living conditions. The separate cells still existed in prisons but they were re-fashioned into this new regime—the cell became a focal part of the deterrent regime— becoming sites of isolation for deterrent rather than reformatory purposes.

Auto/biographical accounts from prisoners appeared more widely in the latter decades of the nineteenth century and they demonstrate how the dull, poorly-lit, sparse environment was experienced. Mrs Maybrick wrote: 

I stepped forward, but started back in horror. Through the open door I saw, by the dim light of a small window that was never cleaned, a cell seven feet by four. “Oh, don’t put me in there!” I cried. “I cannot bear it.” For answer the warder took me roughly by the shoulder, gave me a push and shut the door.  

Similarly, Frank Henderson—also a first time entrant to the prison system—described the prison’s ‘silent and grim gates, [where] the cell door was closed behind me, the lock was turned, and I and the reality were left alone. About that dark cheerless cell, its cold bare walls, its grated windows, its massive door, there was to me an awful certainty’

By this time, discussions about the isolation of prisoners had come to the conclusion that nine months’ isolation was the most that prisoners could or should endure. However, for most prisoners, this policy was largely irrelevant. The majority of the prison population were short term prisoners serving less than 28 days. Sentences of this length would be served in separation, with labour (such as oakum picking or turning the crank or making sacks or rope) carried out in the cell. Sentences were short but served in harsh, sparse conditions and, for a significant proportion of these prisoners, these conditions would be endured repeatedly as they experienced the revolving door of imprisonment. Recidivism was of considerable concern in the latter decades of the nineteenth century and the motivation for such harsh prison conditions. But, as McConville (1995) has observed, these regimes were unremittingly severe in character.

Therefore, local prisons, as today, turned over the largest numbers of prisoners, either on remand or serving short sentences or indeed holding those to be moved on to the long-term convict system. Administrative records for prisons in the nineteenth century are peppered with the interactions and conflicts between prisoners and the rules in these prisons. Given the central part the cell played in the regime, it was often the case that prisoners’ infractions of the rules would take place in the cell space. Common disciplinary offences occurred in cells; smashing windows panes, breaking prison property and shouting and singing from the cell were regular offences against the prison rules. Prisoners sometimes smashed or broke the meagre institutional items that they were provided with. In local prisons, where the turnover of the prison population was high, records are often patchy and do not necessarily survive but do offer us a glimpse into prisoners’ experiences.

 Visiting magistrates’ (monthly visitors to the prison who acted as external inspectors or overseers) records, for HMP Liverpool for example, cite numerous evidence of ill-discipline within the prison but also reveal the frustrations of those confined within. The experience of Elizabeth Hughes perhaps epitomises the emotions of offenders who experienced the revolving door of imprisonment. Elizabeth had been committed to prison for one month for offences relating to prostitution. Warder Bell reported that the prisoner had been received the previous night at about 7 o’clock. She continued,

I heard the breaking of glass. I went to the prisoner’s cell and saw her jumped off the table—some of the cotton she was working at and some of her clothing was on fire. I opened the door and ordered her out, she refused. She took up the blanket and threw it on the fire—I brought her out by force—14 panes of glass in her cell were broken. (Extract from 347/ MAG/1/3/3, Visiting Committee Reports (VCR), HMP Liverpool, 8 October 1889)

Hughes interrupted the officer’s report of the incident when she remarked, ‘Is that all you have to say? I’ll do it again’. The officer continued ‘When I went in there was no one but myself—others afterwards came in—I did not strike you in the face. You were taken out by force, it was necessary’. Hughes stated, ‘I did it because I’m tired of coming to prison. I was only out five hours. I’m tired of my life’ (Extracts as above). Hughes was placed in a punishment cell for seven days and on ‘punishment diet no 1’ (bread and water) for this offence.

In the latter decades of the century, committals for drunkenness were at a high and this began a national debate on what to do about inebriacy and those who were repeatedly confined for drunken behaviour. Then, as in previous decades, those committed for such offences often spent their lives between the prison, the street and the public house and the after effects of drinking followed them into the prison cell. Records of local prisons testify to the frustrations of those detained and the initial experiences of detention in the cell. Many reported for disciplinary offences often expressed that the ‘drink was not out of them’ or that they were suffering what we would now call withdrawal symptoms. In July 1898, Winifred McCormack was charged with breaking 12 panes of glass in her cell window. She admitted the damage stating that she was ‘in the horrors of drink at the time’, that it was night and she could not get medicine (Extract from 347/MAG/1/3/3, VCR, HMP Liverpool, 29 July 1898). Similarly, Ann Ward was charged with breaking 14 panes of glass in her cell window in December 1898. She told the Committee, ‘I am very sorry I had been drinking “very heavy”’ (Extract from 347/MAG/1/3/3, VCR, HMP Liverpool, 21 December 1898). Whilst the frustrations of these experiences were experienced in the local prison cell as distress or resistance, they were at least short term. But for those serving long prison sentences, the seclusion and isolation and lack of family contact were much more enduring.”

- Helen Johnston, “‘The Solitude of the Cell’: Cellular Confinement in the Emergence of the Modern Prison, 1850–1930,” in Jennifer Turner & Victoria Knight, editors, The Prison Cell: Embodied and Everyday Spaces of Incarceration. London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2020. pp. 31-34

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“Imprisonment requires the disposition of prisoners’ bodies within the spatiotemporal setting of the prison, and there is still some hope of seizing the opportunity of their time in custody to improve them.

This diffuse hope found expression in the recurrent debate over the cellular system. A strange trajectory indeed, that of the cell. In early times, during the glorious epoch that saw the birth of the penitentiary, cells were regarded as the paradigmatic instrument of reform, settings in which the prisoner’s mind could be systematically worked on without undue interference from other prisoners. But the cell did not fade into memory along with the decline of reform sentiment - quote the contrary...[they] strongly approved of the cell as a key instrument for isolating the prisoner from the society of his congeners...

In this discourse, the cell becomes the preferred instrument of management, an administrative cure-all making up for the notorious insufficencies of classification. However, while most observers agreed on the advantages of solitary confinement over differential treatment by category or class, they differed markedly on the value of confinement as a treatment. Here again, the waning of reform as a purpose of imprisonment is evident.  ,...some criticized twenty-four-hour solitary confinement only because they favoured more humane treatment for criminals; he continued to believe that nightly lockup was necessary. Some observers argued that total isolation drove prisoners insane. Reform had to rely on other methods such as supervised parole. Moreover, a notable semantic shift was taking place among the advocates of the cellular philosophy, which was now regarded as contributing to a new form of socialization (rather than isolation) of the prisoner.

Here we come to the essential feature of the liberal gaze on the prison: from the moment when it becomes an unabashed instrument of punishment, its reforming function is moved out to the periphery of the prison, to the space that extends and connects it to civil society. The criminal’s salvation now lies outside the prison; rehabilitation must now be cognized in terms of the multiple strategies attendant upon a proper release from prison, not the exercise of power for therapeutic purposes inside its walls. And so the cell is no longer viewed as isolating the prisoner but as putting him in contact with upstanding members of society.”

- Jean-Marie Fecteau, The Pauper’s Freedom. Translated by Peter Feldstein. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s Press, 2017. French edition 2004.  p. 123-24.

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How the system works?<\p>

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