Krugman Goes After Brooks
One of the side effects of being a NY Times columnist is that you have a pulpit to talk about anything that you'd like. And David Brooks abuses that privilege frequently, despite being occasionally insightful about the human condition and the vagaries of the errant right.
He recently preached economic 'structuralism':
The Structural Revolution - David Brooks via NYTimes.com
There are several overlapping structural problems. First, there are those surrounding globalization and technological change. Hyperefficient globalized companies need fewer workers. As a result, unemployment rises, superstar salaries surge while lower-skilled wages stagnate, the middle gets hollowed out and inequality grows.
Then there are the structural issues surrounding the decline in human capital. The United States, once the world’s educational leader, is falling back in the pack. Unemployment is high, but companies still have trouble finding skilled workers.
Then there is political sclerosis. Over the decades, companies and other entities have implanted a growing number of special-interest deals into the tax and regulatory codes, making it harder for politically unconnected, new competitors, making the economy less dynamic.
These and other structural problems have retarded growth and wages for decades. Consumers tried to compensate by borrowing more. Politicians tried to compensate by reducing the tax bill, increasing deficit spending, ensuring easy credit for homebuyers and by helping workers shift out of the hypercompetitive, globalized part of the economy and into the less productive and more sheltered parts of the economy — mostly into health care, government and education.
But you can only mask structural problems for so long. The whole thing has gone kablooey. The current model, in which we try to compensate for structural economic weakness with tax cuts and an unsustainable welfare state, simply cannot last. The old model is broken. The jig is up.
I wrote a post saying that, yes, the jig is up: but not the same jig as he was talking about. I said we have to counter the trend toward globalism, that is 'hyperefficiently' crushing the life out of our economy, and our lives.
The Change That Is Needed, Stowe Boyd
I agree with Brooks that the jig is up, that the current world order is unsustainable, and that we shouldn’t try to get back to the status quo ante. But his prognosis and his prescription is completely wrong.
It was Bush and his wars and tax cuts that ran up the deficits and accelerated the inequity that eats at our society like a cancer, that has crushed the middle class and made the working class the new poor. It’s the special interests of globalist corporations that warps the economic sphere, not the welfare state: their prerogatives continue while we are choking off government support to the poor, unemployed, and ill.
More important is what is left unsaid: the true costs of this industrial economy — climatic, environmental, financial, and societal — have been externalized, with the difference making billionaires richer, driving a divisive wedge into our interconnected world society. Most of us have been marginalized, our interests discounted, our lives made precarious, so that this system can persist, and so that the few can benefit.
Paul Krugman wades in, destroying Brooks arguments about structuralism at the root:
Easy Useless Economics - NYTimes.com
Claims that our problems are deep and structural offer an excuse for not acting, for doing nothing to alleviate the plight of the unemployed.
What does it mean to say that we have a structural unemployment problem? The usual version involves the claim that American workers are stuck in the wrong industries or with the wrong skills. A widely cited recent article by Raghuram Rajan of the University of Chicago asserts that the problem is the need to move workers out of the “bloated” housing, finance and government sectors.
Actually, government employment per capita has been more or less flat for decades, but never mind — the main point is that contrary to what such stories suggest, job losses since the crisis began haven’t mainly been in industries that arguably got too big in the bubble years. Instead, the economy has bled jobs across the board, in just about every sector and every occupation, just as it did in the 1930s. Also, if the problem was that many workers have the wrong skills or are in the wrong place, you’d expect workers with the right skills in the right place to be getting big wage increases; in reality, there are very few winners in the work force.
All of this strongly suggests that we’re suffering not from the teething pains of some kind of structural transition that must gradually run its course but rather from an overall lack of sufficient demand — the kind of lack that could and should be cured quickly with government programs designed to boost spending.
So what’s with the obsessive push to declare our problems “structural”? And, yes, I mean obsessive. Economists have been debating this issue for several years, and the structuralistas won’t take no for an answer, no matter how much contrary evidence is presented.
The answer, I’d suggest, lies in the way claims that our problems are deep and structural offer an excuse for not acting, for doing nothing to alleviate the plight of the unemployed.
Of course, structuralistas say they are not making excuses. They say that their real point is that we should focus not on quick fixes but on the long run — although it’s usually far from clear what, exactly, the long-run policy is supposed to be, other than the fact that it involves inflicting pain on workers and the poor.
Anyway, John Maynard Keynes had these peoples’ number more than 80 years ago. “But this long run,” he wrote, “is a misleading guide to current affairs. In the long run we are all dead. Economists set themselves too easy, too useless a task if in tempestuous seasons they can only tell us that when the storm is long past the sea is flat again.”