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Philippines President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Romualdez Marcos on the 124th Philippines Independence Day
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French Ambassador to PBBM, the President of the Philippines on June 2022
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Duterte-Backed Candidates Win Big in Philippines’ Midterm Elections
Not only did Duterte’s allies dominate the Senate races, but the opposition was entirely shut out.
By Jim Gomez for The Diplomat
Might 22, 2019
The Philippine president’s allies won a the vast majority of the 12 Senate seats at stake in midterm elections, formal benefits confirmed Wednesday, though the opposition was shut out. The results herald a stronger grip on electric power by a chief accused of significant human rights violations.
Election officials proclaimed the winners following finishing the formal depend of the Might 13 elections right away. The tally had been delayed by glitches in automatic counting devices.
President Rodrigo Duterte backed 8 winning candidates who will take up seats in the 24-member Senate, including his previous national police main, Ronald dela Rosa, who enforced Duterte’s crackdown on unlawful medicines in a campaign that still left 1000’s of suspects dead and drew global condemnation.
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Very last week’s vote has been viewed as a gauge of general public assistance for Duterte, who is halfway by way of the single 6-yr time period Philippine presidents are authorized under the constitution. His anti-drug crackdown, unorthodox leadership style, combative and sexist outbursts, and contentious embrace of China have been the hallmarks of his presidency.
“Do I look like a rubberstamp?” Senator-elect Bong Go, a longtime Duterte aide, stated when reporters questioned him about worries that the new Senate would be beholden to Duterte.
But he pressured he would again the president’s war against criminality, corruption, and illegal medication and would assist a bill to reimpose the dying penalty for heinous crimes and drug trafficking. Go reported Duterte has not specified any unlawful orders to him or any one he supervised.
Duterte’s three little ones also received races for mayor, vice mayor, and a congressional seat representing their southern home region of Davao metropolis. Voters also made the decision congressional, gubernatorial, mayoral, and city and township races. Practically 75 per cent of a lot more than 63 million registered Filipinos forged their votes in a robust turnout.
Analysts say a lot of Filipinos seem a lot more open up to authoritarianism because of to failures of earlier liberal leaders. These types of a mindset has assisted the family members of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos make a political comeback, the most up-to-date illustration currently being his daughter, Imee Marcos, a single of the successful Senate candidates who was endorsed by Duterte.
The president has aimed for much better leverage in the customarily far more independent Senate to bolster his legislative agenda. That includes the return of the demise penalty, lowering the age for criminal legal responsibility below the present-day 15, and revising the 1987 structure principally to enable a shift to a federal variety of authorities, a proposal some critics worry may possibly be a include to clear away expression limitations.
Through the campaign, Go explained he felt Filipinos were being not ready but to help a shift to a federal form of authorities partly mainly because of a lack of sufficient information and facts campaign about its positive aspects. “It’s a longshot and it’ll be hard for us to function for the approval of federalism at this time,” Go said.
“My No. 1 agenda is the reimposition of the dying penalty for drug trafficking,” dela Rosa mentioned in a separate news convention, including that the drug menace remains troubling despite Duterte’s crackdown.
If the handful of opposition senators whose seats were not up for election and independent senators forge an alliance on any concern, they could likely offset the sturdy majority Duterte’s allies hold in the new upper chamber. At minimum 7 senators are needed to block amendments to the constitution, which was handed with safeguards from dictatorship in 1987, a 12 months right after Marcos was ousted by an army-backed “people power” revolt.
Senator-elect Grace Poe, an unbiased who received the second-most votes, said she would function for a Senate with a balanced stance. “If we can be of support to the administration, we will assistance, but in my perspective, it is time that when we see anything that we can adjust, we need to converse,” Poe reported. Poe was formerly a presidential candidate in 2016, but lost to Duterte.
Opposition aspirants, who ended up established back again by a absence of funding and other marketing campaign concerns, regarded the Senate the last bastion of checks and balances in the Philippine national govt provided the solid dominance of Duterte’s loyalists in the lower House of Representatives.
By Jim Gomez for The Related Push.
The post Duterte-Backed Candidates Win Big in Philippines’ Midterm Elections appeared first on Defence Online.
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A Brief Landscape of Modern-Day Media Use and the Government in the Philippines
Preface
Since the commencement of President Duterte’s term in 2016, there have been countless humanitarian issues that have been risen on an international level. Aside from his controversial and violent ‘War on Drugs’ campaign, he has been flagged by numerous security agencies across the globe for his abuse of power in repressing the general media by way of an abusive and corrupted government agenda. The Freedom of Press is supposedly protected under the Philippines Constitution, however, government censorship is still a major issue and qualifies the country to be ranked as a top contender for one of the most dangerous places in the world for independent journalists (BBC News; 2019). A statistic like this is not constructed with light intelligence; the US-based ‘Freedom House’ claims the government hires private militias, which are often employed by local politicians, to silence journalists of the opposition with the threat of complete impunity (BBC News; 2019).
A Comparison to the Past
Much of the government strategy being implemented can be compared to what the Marcos Administration had done with the public’s media privileges or lack thereof. In a dissertation written by Robert Youngblood of the California University Press titled “Government-Media Relations in the Philippines”, it describes the fake justification for hindering media use from the public by using rising trends of Communism as a liable source of fear. “The president initially charged that control of the media was necessary because the press and radio were "infiltrated by Communist propagandists" and were "guilty of distorted, tendentious reporting" which "weakened resistance to Communism," but he later claimed that continued restrictions were needed to prevent rightist oligarchs from using the media to undermine the goals of the "New Society”” (JSTOR, pg. 711; 1981). The government-controlled eight different domestically biased media publishers to favor his own administration, which asserts that the only source of information that the public was receiving about the government had already been previously manipulated (JSTOR, pg. 711; 1981). What Marcos executed then is a close resemblance to what Duterte is implementing now.
Current Events of Corruption and Media Oppression
The climate of Philippine’s media landscape is oppressive. The government is consistently overriding any sort of freedom of press or expression for the sake of saving face and maintaining order. Duterte wants the public to know as little as possible because he knows that knowledge to the people gives them more power. Just recently, as of February 13th, 2019, Maria Ressa, the CEO of Rappler - one of the leading media/news publications in the Philippines – was arrested on charges of cyber libel. Rappler has been under Duterte’s microscope for months because of its news releases that take opposing stances against the government. In an article published by TechCrunch on the day of Ressa’s arrest, it further explains that “Duterte has clashed with Rappler regularly. He has accused it of being funded by the CIA and regularly referred to its reporting as “fake news,” while Ressa has regularly spoken out against the president in international circles. In a 2016 Bloomberg interview, she detailed how the Duterte administration had turned Facebook into a “weapon” and utilized “patriotic trolling” to silence critics online” (Russell, TechCrunch; 2019). Media employees’ and free-lance journalists lives are in jeopardy; Duterte has literally been quoted saying: “Corrupt reporters are not exempted from assassination” (Freedom House; 2017). But, the flip side to this, and the reason why many crimes against journalists have gone unpunished is that there have been instances of sensationalism within the news reports in order to create more excitement surrounding stories at the sacrifice of the accuracy of the information. (BBC News; 2019). Typically, this tactic is used because it gets more eyes on their stories as well as to get more people to agree with the publication’s anti-government vernacular. Sensationalism is what President Duterte calls ‘alternative facts’ when presenting in political discourse.
Media Legality
In a legal sense, there has been a lot of cover-ups and insincere efforts to make the media feel safe and free when it actually isn’t. In 2017 the Freedom House released a statement delegating that security officials have ratified the Presidential Task Force on Violations of the Right to Life, Liberty, and Security of the Members of the Media, which is designed to investigate crimes against journalists (Freedom House; 2017). However, it’s basically just a safety-net cover-up to mediate their fight against the media and to save face, and the group is not actually empowered by the government. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) discusses issues such as these and proclaiming that the Philippines lacks vigorous laws that enforce the public’s freedom of information. (Freedom House; 2017). Meanwhile, laws for national security and privacy are constantly enforced to obstruct citizens from accessing information about government policy and procedure. The fact that the Committee to Protect Journalists exists in the first place showcases the nation’s poor state of affairs.
What Does the Future Hold?
The Center for People Empowerment in Government (CenPEG) has organized a strong list of seven recommendations for the people to create a new program that would promote media sovereignty and initiative under tyrannical order. In a dissertation titled “The Philippine Press and Media”, it elucidates CenPEG’s realization that the majority of the media outlets in the Philippines are owned by corporations whose use of mass communication is able to defend and justify the government’s political itinerary and questionable budget expenses (Teodoro, CenPEG; 2016). The list of recommendations was composed as follows: (1) create an effective body to address the killing, harassment and other attacks on journalists and media workers; (2) assure the passage of a Freedom of Information Act; (3) assure the Independence of State Media; (4) encourage the formation of an industry-wide union in the press and media; (5) decriminalize libel; (6) amend the Cyber Crime Prevention Act of 2012; (7) review the policy against presidential press conferences and the designation of State Media as the sole vehicle of presidential communication with the public (Teodoro, CenPEG; 2017). Recommendations one, two, five and six stand as the most significant because they serve to genuinely protect free-lance journalists from any injustice or violence, prevent any governmental intimidation or silencing tactics, diligently enforce the peoples’ constitutional freedoms of press and expression, and give media outlets legitimate sources to access what should be transparent government information.
