One of the easiest reality shows to evaluate institutionalized racism in is MTV’s The Real World which aired for the first time in 1992. The idea of “seven strangers” living together in a house entered the homes of millions and is still watched today in 2016. In 2014, Cary O’Dell from popmatters.com published an article entitled “Reality TV’s Enduring Racism (and Other Proclivities). The article breaks down the usual framework of the participants on The Real World, the role of the gay guy, Southern Belle, “Hot White Guy #1”, “Secondary White Hunk”, “the one black guy”, “the one black girl” and “various ‘other’ ethnicities [that] will round out the group.” Looking at television as the institution in what I am analyzing, racism is clear in this basic framework that reality shows use to cast their seasons. The placing of an African-American individual in the same house as a supposed racist from the South is mentioned to fuel a fire between the participants and draw in audience members. As opposed to using this platform to further combat racism and racial tensions, the conflict between these two characters or other characters with different racial and ethnic make-ups, is disgustingly what attracts the audience to the show, even without the audience knowing. Clifford Geertz, an American anthropologist, once wrote that we all approach our racial backgrounds primordially, possibly without even noticing. When encountering a conflict or situation occurring on the basis of race, we often “protect our own” (43) Geertz states. If this is the case, when watching a reality show that has a character or participant with the same racial background as ours, we often will inherently “root” for that person.
It is best to analyze the role of race in reality television with a qualitative research lens as opposed to quantitatively. Qualitative research highlights the why and how things happen within a study whereas quantitative research focuses on the statistical and numerical analysis of the meanings within a study or field of research. Rebecca Pardo, from the University of Pennsylvania in the Department of Anthropology published an article entitled “Reality Television and the Metapragmatics of Racism” in which she qualitatively analyzes scenes and episodes of reality shows and hypothesizes that “the reality television genre has a unique engagement with tropes of authenticity and intentionality that exploits this dynamic of suspicion” (2013:65). In other words, Pardo wants to understand why and how reality shows emphasize conflict between racial groups and the authenticity behind it. Pardo also notes that reality television is “an especially rich site for studying the continuous formulation and circulation of racial ideologies” (2013:66), particularly in the United States. She uses a unit of analysis of episodes, interviews and scenes from popular reality shows such as Survivor and notes the influences of “casting, production, and editorial practices” (2013:65).
In her research, Pardo finds that “African-American cast members avoid accusations of racism” (2013:66) against their White cast-counterparts in an effort to avoid accusation of using the “race card” (2013:66). Within reality shows, producers will often stage conflict between cast members on the basis of racial tension. Depending on the participants on the given show, this racial tension may or may not play out but will usually conclude with the White participant being labeled racist and the African-American participant as being overly dramatic and using the “race card” as an excuse for his/her actions. Pardo finds by qualitatively studying other sociological frameworks relating to reality television and race that within the United States, it is “no longer socially acceptable among many Americans” (2013:66) to be racist and instead micro aggressions build between various racial groups, especially when fueled by producers and audience ratings.
Secondly, Professor Pardo finds, as she hypothesized, that “…reality TV’s casting and narrative requirements highlight racial conflict and rely on and reinforce common linguistic and racial ideologies, and that the genre’s engagement with tropes of authenticity and interiority compounds the reflexive suspicion about intentionality that already plagues many conversations about racism in the United States” (2013:66). This indicates that indeed production plays a vital role in the racial tension that plays out in reality television. Going back to Geertz, production and casting directors will intentionally enlist participants that will stay true to their racial stereotypes and ideally grapple with them throughout the season.
Because the concept of “real” reality television is difficult to provide, producers have continually tried to feed into “the fascination” with seeing the “depiction of the activities of apparently ordinary, everyday people…” (2013:68). Pardo attributes this inauthenticity to the “highly constructed rendering of the experience of individuals who are skilled at performing heightened versions of their ordinary selves” (2013:68). Consequently, this fact shows that participants of reality television are casted primarily for their over reactions to certain mundane situations. For example, using Pardo’s qualitative analysis I can deduce that in The Real Housewives of New York City, this past season, Bethanny Frankel was given information pertaining to Luann’s boyfriend’s alleged affair on the grounds of her delivering the news and photo evidence with the most dramatic response. This example as well as the information Pardo found proves her hypothesis that casting and production does skew authenticity to heighten drama and ensure viewers attention.
In regards to institutional racism within reality television, Professor Pardo notes that in her findings that “interpersonal conflicts make up a significant portion of storylines on many reality shows and racial conflicts are frequent” (2013:69). She also notes that casting tends to enlist participants who will adhere to “these role categories” and “create participation frameworks most conducive to such conflict” (2013:69-70). This further explains why and how institutionalized racism is often overlooked within reality television, because the intention of making it believable and casting participants who will stick to their racial stereotypes will create tension. Because the agenda is overshadowed by the dramatization of these conflicts, this “downplays [the] structural aspects of racism and suggest that its solution is to be found in the education of ignorant individuals” (2013:70). In other words, as opposed to reality television as a show or production company being blamed as the institution responsible for the racism, it often diverts audience attention to the structural and personal beliefs of the individual participant, such as, education (or lack thereof), family dynamics and socio-economic backgrounds.
In conclusion, Rebecca Pardo’s qualitative research study affirms the fact that reality television uses casting, editing, and inauthenticity to promote racial tensions between participants, which are absorbed by the greater population. The only authentic aspect of reality television remains the everyday activities that these participants do on a larger stage which draws in the audience and makes us feel connected. But, the hidden agenda of production, as Pardo found, is that conflict is intended and the stereotypical roles of participants needs to be harvested in order for that to play out.