#timothy mitchell

[ofterlostsomething]

Pink { Bechloe}

one shot connected to:

Yellow

Little Bean

Flashes

I just find it adorable... the pictures (attached below)... their smiles can just bright up your day!

Finally after two long weeks, Beca’s US tour has ended. Now, it's time for her to spend her whole time with her family. Chloe together with the kids arrived the day before, the brunette arranged a private plane to take her wife and their children, Timothy, their two year-old boy and Beatrice their six month-old baby girl, to New Orleans.

Travelling on a commercial flight with children, let alone someone with energy as Tim’s, it would be one of those worst flight stories.

They’ve decided to tour around the city, and luckily for them Tim enjoys music as much as they do. The Jazz playing at each side of the French quarter seems to get to the good side of the boy, he’s dancing and sings even if comes out as mumbles.

Little Bea whom never let go of her mommy’s embrace, just stares at everything she find interesting. Her brows met in the middle, both mothers thought it must be from the heat “there’s a restaurant by the corner do you want to have some lunch?” Beca said as she fix Bea’s tiny cap, to shield the child from the heat.

“I think it would be a good idea” Chloe smiled and looked at their daughter “Besides Bea here looks irritated”

“She’s her momma’s daughter so…” Beca said smiling then kissing Bea’s head. The brunette turned around to look for Timothy and his nanny. A gush of wind blew on Beca’s direction making her hold her canary-colored trilby hat. Unlike her, Tim failed to hold his sun hat making Beca race to get it before anyone steps on it. Meanwhile Chloe was in a store buying cute souvenirs for their friends back home- a thing she always love doing.

As the family made their way to the restaurant, they’ve chosen a table on the restaurant’s patio.  Clara, the children’s nanny, carries the bag of souvenirs that Chloe just bought; both children safe on their mothers’ care. They manage to occupy two tables, one with family of four the other was for Clara and the two men that the label assigned to be Beca’s security detail.

Beca sat Timothy on the chair on her right, handing him a brown bag with candies on it. It will surely buy her the time before the boy wants wander off. “Momma I don’t want candy. I want that” the boy said pointing at the man playing a ukulele. Beca saw this and smiled at her son.

“You want to play the instrument?” the boy nodded “I’ll buy you one when we get home okay?”

“Noooo” Timothy whined “why can’t- can’t you get one now?” the boy’s face looked so confused, Beca find it amusing.

“Do you really want it?” the boy nodded again, with his left hand wiping his brown hair from his forehead. Something he does when he’s confused. “you promise me you’ll use it?” the boy nodded again. “Okay later”

“Nooooooo” it was longer this time and Beca laughed. “why not now momma?”

“Because we’re going to eat” she said laughing. Then she heard  Chloe called her, she looked at the redhead’s direction and saw her took a picture of her and tim- Beca with a big smile on her face, while Timothy has this look on his face telling the redhead he’s about to cry.

“What’s happening?” Chloe asked noticing her son’s face. Beca explained everything and chloe smiled at her son as she sit on the chair on beca’s left, facing the boy. “Sweetie we’ll buy one later okay? eat your food and mommy promise I’ll let you chose the color” the redhead said holding her son’s tiny hands.

They both saw a small smile apprear on his face. Beca just loves the way Chloe gets to calm their children, now she can’t remember the reason why she hated kids before when she was younger. Having this two in her life makes it more fun, more colorful.

“Look at this” Beca looked at her wife, struggling to get something out of the bag of souvenirs. She extended her arms to get Bea from the redhead’s embrace. Chloe reach into the bag as soon as Bea’s safe in her wife’s arms “I bought this”. She said happily showing a pink headband to her wife.

“Please don’t tell that’s for me” she said with a blank expression.

“No silly. It’s for Bea” Chloe reached for the baby and handed Beca the headband. The brunette put it on her little girl, and she gotta admit it looks cute on her “You’re so cute” the redhead said kissing the baby’s temple.

“Oh look at her face!” Beca laughed. She got her phone from her pocket to snap a photo. Chloe looked at their daughter who looks annoyed with what her mothers just made her wear.

“Smile” beca said Chloe looked at the camera, so did the baby. The difference being, the mother was all smiles but her baby looks annoyed the way Beca’s face were back at Barden. 

They both laugh seeing the picture, and Beca can’t help but send it to the bellas’ group chat ‘someone is not happy with pink’ she captioned. Moments later Beca’s phone vibrated, someone replied.

Chloe went closer to her wife and read the girls’ replies.

Aubrey: so adorable! i see she got beca’s care in the world.

Fat amy: let’s all pray she doesn’t get shorty’s height as well

Flo: in my country babies that cute are sold for a thousand chickens then shipped to another country.

Jessica: uhm Flo that’s human trafficking!

Stacey: Anyways bought the same headband for bella once, she threw it away in an instant. children.

Ashley: if Bea knows how to fire things up she’ll probably burn that headband.

Lily: I can teach her that

Emily: OH MY GOD LILY NO! Btw bea looks adorable in pink! 

Fat Amy: SHUT UP LEGACY!

[dipnotski]

Timothy Mitchell – Mısır’ın Sömürgeleştirilmesi (2024)

19. yüzyılın Mısır’ına ilişkin bir kitap 21. yüzyılın Türk okuruna ne verebilir? Mısır’ın Sömürgeleştirilmesi’nde iki mesele inceleniyor. Kitap öncelikle modern siyasi iktidar biçimlerinin nasıl işlediğini araştırıyor. Modern ulus-devlet elindeki güçlere nasıl kavuşmuştur? Siyaset biliminin alanına giren devletin formel güçleri ile resmî yönetim kurumlarının dışında kalan daha örtük ve yaygın…

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[davidjhiggins]

Amalrok: Book One by Timothy Mitchell

Amalrok: Book One by Timothy Mitchell

Mitchell layers his own details onto the classic fantasy quest to save a kingdom, creating an engaging tale set in an interesting world. …

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[ofterlostsomething]

Suit up

When she entered the house, she heard laughter echoing the walls. The redhead placed the groceries on the counter and proceeded to where the sound was coming from. When she entered the living room she immediately called her wife’s attention “Beca!!” she shouted.

The woman lying on the sofa looked up to meet her wife’s ocean blue eyes. “Hey you’re back!” she said happily as she keeps the toddler balanced on top of her. Beca noticed Chloe’s stare and how her hands are on her waist “what’s wrong?” she said as if she doesn’t know the reason.

Of course she knows why her wife looks like the hulk, she didn’t really do what she was asked to “I told you give him a bath and dress him up!” Chloe said pointing at the baby.

“I did give him a bath you know” Beca said guilty “and he’s wearing something!  It’s his birthday suit!” Chloe can’t keep up with this facade of hers and laugh.

“God I married a child” Chloe said laughing. Chloe reached for her phone to snap a photo of the two “Please dress him up with real clothes babe, before the girls arrive” the redhead stepped closer to the two and kissed them both on the cheek “then help me in the kitchen”.  She then went back to the kitchen to prepare everything before the bellas arrive for their sleepover.

Chloe posted the photo on her instagram account tagging Beca, to annoy the brunette. She once told her to stop posting because it makes her look soft. ‘I have an image to maintain’ Beca once told her, but of course Chloe just laugh it off. She loves Beca ‘momma’ mitchell more than Beca ‘fuckin’ Mitchell.

The brunette being a mother is just a sight you won’t want to miss. For someone who hates babies before, Beca is doing great. She’s protective, caring and she always wanted to see their son, sometimes Chloe thinks that a clone replaced Beca when she was asleep or what- she changed a lot after Timothy came into their lives.

“Hey!” Chloe heard Beca shout from the living room “Told you not to post things like that!”

“Well you should’ve done what you’re told!” Chloe shouted back while unpacking the groceries. The redhead then heard footsteps coming towards the kitchen. She turned around to put the rest of the groceries to the huge pantry on her left- until now she doesn’t know why Beca wanted to have a pantry that can feed ten people for weeks, once full.

“Hey where are you?” she heard her wife say. Chloe finished stacking everything before she goes out to meet her partner. She saw Beca standing by the door with Timmy on her arms “that made me look soft!” Chloe laughs at how Beca looks that moment. It’s like having a five-year old losing a candy.

“I know that’s why I posted it. Take it as a revenge for not helping me carry the bags from the car, then not helping me unpack the groceries and then not dressing Timmy appropriately”  Chloe slightly lean against the kitchen counter her right hand on her waist.

“Fine” beca says in surrender “I’m going to dress him up” and the brunette exited the kitchen.

Moments later, the redhead heard the doorbell. When she opened the door she saw Aubrey smiling widely- early as always. After hugging each other, they both proceeded to the kitchen to cook the meals needed for the dinner; whilst Beca was assigned to prepare the garden for, as Emily calls it, ‘movie night under the stars’.

[alshaytan]

To perform the nation, groups must be included by first declaring them excluded for their lack of civilization, villages destroyed in order to preserve them, pasts declared lost so that they may be recovered. Fathy wanted to “revive” an indigenous culture as a means of developing an Egyptian national heritage. To perform this revival, he needed the people of Gurna. Yet he needed them as a people outside the nation, whose removal would help bring the nation and its past into being. The Gurnawis were to be treated as ignorant, uncivilized, and incapable of preserving their own architectural heritage. Only by seeing them in this way would the architect have an opportunity to intervene, presenting himself as the rediscoverer of a local heritage that the locals themselves no longer recognized or knew how to value. As the spokesman bringing this heritage into national politics, the architect would enable the past to speak and play its role in giving the modern nation its character. The people of Gurna could enter into national politics only by submitting to an act of violence. To preserve their heritage, the architect first had to destroy it. Old Gurna was to be pulled down and rebuilt—and not just because it was built over antiquities, for if the project succeeded, Fathy hoped that every other village of Egypt would also be demolished and rebuilt (a proposal later taken up by the United States development program in Egypt). The preservation of the past required its destruction so that the past could be rebuilt. Likewise, the performing of the nation required that every one of its rural inhabitants be declared outside the nation, uncivilized and unhygienic, so that in rendering them civilized and clean, the nation could be made.

Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity, 2002

[metapolitical]

Democratic politics developed, thanks to oil, with a peculiar orientation towards the future: the future was a limitless horizon of growth. This horizon was not some natural reflection of a time of plenty. It was the result of a particular way of organising expert knowledge and its objects, in terms of a novel world called ‘the economy.’ Innovations in methods of calculation, the use of money, the measurement of transactions, and the compiling of national statistics made it possible to imagine the central object of politics as an object that could expand without any form of ultimate material constraint. In the 1967–74 crisis, the relations between these disparate elements were all transformed, and they are being transformed again in the present. Understanding the contemporary politics of oil involves the difficult task of bringing together the violence that has been repeatedly deployed to secure arrangements for the production of oil and the forms of spectacle and representation that seem somehow an equally indispensable aspect of the undemocratic politics of oil – not least the representation of the most recent rounds of US militarism as a project to bring democracy to the Middle East. We can better understand the relationship between spectacle and violence, and between other apparently disparate or discordant features of the politics of oil, by following closely the oil itself; not because the material properties or strategic necessity of oil determine everything else (on the contrary, as we have seen, a lot of hard work went into producing America’s ‘strategic dependence’ on its control of Middle Eastern oil), but because, in tracing the connections that were made between pipelines and pumping stations, refineries and shipping routes, road systems and automobile cultures, dollar flows and economic knowledge, weapons experts and militarism, one discovers how a peculiar set of relations was engineered between oil, violence, finance, expertise and democracy. These relations are quite different from those of the coal age. If the emergence of the mass politics of the early twentieth century, out of which certain sites and episodes of welfare democracy were achieved, should be understood in relation to coal, the limits of contemporary democratic politics can be traced in relation to oil. The possibility of more democratic futures, in turn, depends on the political tools with which we address the passing of the era of fossil fuel

Timothy Mitchell - Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil

[metapolitical]

Democratic politics, as we know, came into being after ordinary people came to form critical, collective components in the new machineries of industrial life. The modes of mass democracy that emerged in response to these popular pressures were organised by separating professional politicians, authorised and regulated through political parties, from ordinary citizens, who were asked to delegate their role in decision-making to the governing party. From the mid-twentieth century, democratic politics was further regulated through a distinction between techno-scientific experts and laypersons. Specialists in the fields of science, technology, warfare, industrial management, public health, accounting, law, and above all economic planning, acquired responsibility for deciding issues of public concern. In unsettling two divides – between society and nature, and between experts and ordinary citizens – technical controversies can provide the opportunities to rebuild more ‘technical’ forms of democracy. The need to reassemble sociotechnical worlds can open up new points of vulnerability, where experts and professional politicians might become liable, once again, to the claims of those through whose lives new arrangements must be built. There is no inevitability to this. But in order to take advantages of opportunities that may arise, we must bring these questions of nature, technology and expertise into view as the place where opportunities for democratisation occur. Can we draw on these ways of thinking to think about the politics of oil? Does the uncertainty over the future of fossil fuels create a set of questions that cannot be answered if we insist on a clear distinction between nature and society; between the resources of nature on the one hand, and the kind of social order that can be sustained on the other? Or between the expertise that speaks about facts of nature and the non-experts who are asked to accept the word of experts, and to delegate to professional politicians the decisions to be made on the basis of those facts? If controversies overflow this distinction, do they create a new kind of political space, a forum in which the composition of the collective is at stake in questions over possible states of the world?

Timothy Mitchell - Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil

[metapolitical]

In the second half of the twentieth century, governments sought to weaken this unusual power that workers had acquired by an equally simple engineering project: switching from using coal to using oil and gas. As early as the 1940s, the architects of the Marshall Plan in Washington argued for subsidising the cost of importing oil to western Europe from the Middle East, in order to weaken the coal miners and defeat the left. In Britain, this attack on the energy system that had empowered the left culminated several decades later in the attempt by the Conservative government to destroy most of what remained of British coal mining in order to eliminate what the prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, termed ‘the Enemy Within’ – the country’s most powerful labour union. The National Union of Mineworkers had led the battle that developed between organised labour and the state following the 1967 financial crisis, when the blocking of oil supplies had triggered the collapse of the pound, and in 1974 had defeated an attempt to use another crisis in energy supplies to weaken its power, bringing down the Conservative government. A decade later, the development of nuclear power stations and the oil and natural gas fields of the North Sea provided government planners with the means to end the country’s dependence on coal for generating electrical power. The Conservatives were able to reopen the war against the miners in 1984 with a new round of pit closures. The strike that followed was the longest in British history, and the most intense labour conflict since the general strike of 1926. The government failed to destroy the NUM, but six years later the domestic security agency, MI5, with help from American intelligence agencies, leaked to the press false allegations that the NUM leadership had misappropriated funds from Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Created in 1916 in response to a panic over German spies, MI5 had quickly turned its attention to those organising the wartime labour strikes mentioned in Chapter 3, and to the intellectuals on the left attempting to establish the ‘democratic control’ of empire.) The Libya allegation was an effective weapon with which to weaken the NUM by destroying its popular support, allowing the government to carry through its programme of putting an end to British coal mining – an industry that had employed over 2 million workers in 1982–83. By 2009, just five long-wall coal mines were left in operation

Timothy Mitchell - Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil