One Distinction Essay 2,000 words on Criminology
1013CCJ Introduction to Criminology
Griffith College
(former Queensland Institute of Business and Technology - QIBT)
We have a strange situation in Australia. At a time when people seem to be more worried by crime, the research evidence suggests crime rates are not increasing. How can we explain this apparent contradiction?
We have a strange situation in Australia. At a time when people seem to be more worried by crime, the research evidence suggests crime rates are not increasing. So, this essay presents what evidence suggesting that crime rates are not increasing, but actually decreasing, and explains why police data and crime survey often fail to record all crime incidents, and why actual crime may be declining. It then presents evidence that people seem to be more worried by crime, and discusses what influences public perception, which leads them to believe crime are increasing.
Different from the common belief, crime in Australia, especially violent crime, has been falling steadily since 2001. The Australian Bureau of Statistics reflected this trend during this period from 2001-2003 by showing that most major categories of police-recorded crime have declined (Indermaur & Roberts, 2005, p.143). More recently, the Australian Institute of Criminology reported a similar trend up to 2012 for both violent crime (2013, p.2) and property crime (2013, p.7). Remarkably, serious violent crime, such as homicide, assaults, and sexual assaults, have all dropped significantly, despite of the small number of incidents. For instance, the number of homicides in 2002 was 354, which dropped to only 274 cases in 2011 (Australian Institute of Criminology, 2013, p.2). The idea that crime rates are decreasing, particularly violent crime, would be even more convincing, if the rapid increase in Australian population during this same period is contrasted to the decrease of violent crime. In other words, the rate of homicide incidents per 100,000 population is too tiny, only one per 100,000 population, that statisticians decided to cite them in number rather than percentage (Australian Institute of Criminology, 2013, p.6). Also, the situation is similar in Germany, where crime that “people perceive as very threatening or generally worrying”, like murders, have gone down dramatically since 1995 (Pfeiffer, Windzio, & Kleimann, 2005, p.260).
There are many theories explaining for recorded crime rates to be down. Criminologists usually cite limitations in administrative data and surveys, which leave many crime incidents unreported. Hayes and Prenzler argue that police records do not reflect real crime rates, because many incidents are not detected by the police or reported by victims (2012, p.36). This is particularly so for violent crime, such as sexual assaults or sexual harassments, in which offenders are known to victims. As a result, crime might actually be rising, but researchers suggest crime rates are not increasing, because they fail to record all crime incidents.
On the other hand, aging population, stabilization in migration, and effective policing could be accounted for crime reduction, which leads to lower recorded crime rates. Aging population is usually a concern in developed countries, because it reduces the labor force, but increases health costs. However, on the positive side, if crime was considered to be a different kind of labor or illegal work, criminals would stop committing crime after they retired. Because of that, there would be less crime to be recorded, especially the violent ones, such as homicides and assaults, which require physical labor and plenty of energy, as opposed to high-tech crime. This explains why violent crime has gone down in Germany during the last decade, when the age group 18-30, which accounts for a majority of violent crime, has shrunk from 9.4 to 7% of the population. At the same time, there has been a 4% increase of Germans aged 60 or over, who account for less than 3% of all crime (Pfeiffer, Windzio, & Kleimann, 2005, p.260). The same thing is likely applicable to Australia.
Secondly, immigrants are very likely to suffer from poverty and unemployment, which are argued to be strong contributors of rising crime (Pfeiffer, Windzio, & Kleimann, 2005, p.273). Therefore, a stabilization in migration could be one factor leading to lower crime rate, as there are fewer migrants, and existing migrants are less likely to commit crime after settling down. Moreover, in Australia, the strict control of migrants’ qualification also ensures that immigrants could find jobs quickly, thus eliminating the possibility of them staying unemployed and committing crime.
Last but not least, police are becoming more and more effective in preventing and detecting crime. So, many crime activities are detected timely and prevented from happening. Thus, the result is there are less crime incidents to be recorded (Pfeiffer, Windzio, & Kleimann, 2005, p.260).
Research evidence has been shown to suggest crime rates are not increasing and it has been proved that crime has, in fact, been going down. However, people seem to be more worried by crime, because they believe crime is more frequent than ever. This belief has been confirmed not only once, but twice, by the Australian Survey of Social Attitudes (AuSSA), which asks respondents “if they believe that crime has increased or decreased” (Indermaur & Roberts, 2005, p.142). In 2003, almost 70% of respondents believed that crime has increased. Then, nearly the same proportion of respondents (64%) held similar belief in 2007 (Davis & Dossetor, 2010, p.2). Clearly, people have wrong perception of crime.
This perception could be caused by two main reasons. Firstly, the way AuSSA asked the question is misleading, because people have different definition of crime. Indermaur and Roberts (2005, p.142) argue that when referring to “crime”, most people mean “violent crime” exclusively, rather than a combination of property and violent crime. So, respondents really mean that violent crime is increasing. This is confirmed in AuSSA 2007 survey (Davis & Dossetor, 2010, p.3), which showed that 52% of respondents believed violent crime account for at least half of all crime, and another 12% thought violent crime occupy 90% of crime, when in fact, they only account for 10% of all crimes. Another reason for inaccurate perception of crime is that people overestimate crime rates, especially violent crime. For instance, compared to the true crime rates, the public’s estimation could be two times more than the actual number of murder, or six times for sexual murders (Pfeiffer, Windzio, & Kleimann, 2005, p.263). Consequently, the widespread fear of crime is explained by the fact that people mistake crime to be rising, due to their overestimation of crime, or more accurately, violent crime.
This misperception is well-known in criminology, and referred to by many researchers as the perception gap of crime. Hough and Roberts (as cited in Davis and Dossetor, 2010, p.2) report a similar phenomenon, in which people believe there is an increase in juvenile offenders amidst a decline in this offender group. Likewise, people also overestimate the percentage of juvenile crime as violent, but in fact they are mostly minor issues or petty thefts. Therefore, the remaining part of the discussion attempts to explain the cause behind this perception gap. There are two parts. Part one explains how the media influences the public’s social construction of reality, so that people equate crime to violent crime and overestimate the likelihood of this crime happening. In addition to media influence, the criminal justice system’s failure to impose strict sentences to criminals, who commit serious crimes, causes the public to believe that these criminals are available everywhere and ready to kill, so this amplifies the fear of crime.
Surette and Otto (2001, p.144) argue that the construction of reality process plays major role in how people form their perception of crime. Adoni and Mane define the reality construction process as the “objectification of one own’s internalised and subjective meanings, experiences” into the world (1984, p.325). It means that the reality that people create is not objective, but subjective, because it relies on individual experience and the knowledge gained through social interactions. Individual experience is direct experience with crime, like suffering attacks personally; the latter refers to various forms of symbolic expression, such as shared experience of other people, expression in literature or media contents (Adoni & Mane, 1984, p.325). So, the created reality might not reflect the objective reality, especially when there is a lack of input, such as direct experience, and biased symbolic influences. The most biased symbolic influence is claimed to be coming from the media. Adoni and Mane (1984, p.331) find evidence to confirm their hypothesis about the media’s influence, which is a function of personal experience and subsequent reliance on media for information to interpret an event. Therefore, for people who lack direct experience, media influence is much stronger than those who do have personal experience, or are well informed about the event through other sources. Consequently, people, who do not experience violent crime, have a big knowledge gap, which allows the media to fill up. Still, the media is not the only source of crime information, because people may gain such knowledge through other social networks, such friends or relatives. However, Chiricos, Eschholz, and Gertz (1997, p.344) argue that most people do not encounter crime personally, especially seriously violent crime. Therefore, they contend that even crime incidents shared by friends are often obtained via the mass media. Consequently, besides of limited experience, for the public, the media is believed to be a “prime information source” of crime (Chiricos, Eschholz, & Gertz, 1997, p.353).
So, the media heavily influence the public’s perception of crime. The problem is that this source of information is biased toward statistically exceptional violent crime. Criminologists attribute this selective tendency as due to “newsworthiness”, which main purpose is attracting audience readership (Oliver & Meyers, 1999, p.40; McCarthy, McPhail, & Smith, 1996, p.483). The authors define newsworthiness as containing various characteristics, such as immediacy – preferring recent crime to long-ago incidents; dramatization – focusing on uncommon and dramatic incidents, with provocative and vivid language to dramatize what happened in the events; simplification – concentrating on describing the crime activities, without presenting proper details of the social context surrounding the crime; titillation – preferring horrific crime, such as murder and sexual violence; and novelty – preferring uncommon incidents or renewing crime on taboo topics. Obviously, the newsworthiness motivates journalists to report violent crime that are unusual and different from the norms, not ordinary, odd and novel, rather than routine and mundane events (Lundman, 2003, p.360). The result is that manslaughters, psychic serial-killers, and sexual predators fill the front page of newspapers, despite of the fact that these events only account for under 1% of all crime; in fact, we are referring to crime that happen at the rate of 1.2 murdered victims, or 76 sexual-assaulted victims, per 100,000 population (Australian Institute of Criminology, 2013, p.16, 22). Conversely, the media neglects minor violent crime and property crime, because they lack entertaining characteristics. Pfeiffer, Windzio, and Kleimann (2005, p.266) argue that the audience consumes news not only to obtain information, but also to gain entertainment and excitement. Consequently, the media shapes the public’s misperception of crime as the only violent crime being aggressively on the rise by over-representing them and neglecting the others. Moreover, it dramatizes crime as a force of evil compared to the reality, which fuels the public’s fear of crime.
Moreover, according to the construction of reality process, perception of crime is made up of experienced reality and symbolic expression, which is dominated by the media (Surette & Otto, 2001, p.144). Therefore, it could be that people, who have experienced violent crime, tend to believe that such crime is rising. Then, people with this belief are more inclined to seek and interpret news that accord with their preexisting opinions, thus this reinforces their fear of crime. Consequently, the process by which the media influence the public’s perception of crime is interdependent, because news of violent crime that are congruent with experienced reality serve as “double dose”, which amplifies the fear of crime (Chiricos, Eschholz, & Gertz, 1997, p.345).
Another point, which relates to immediacy and novelty characteristics, is that to ensure newsworthiness, journalists tend to find and report crime news that are currently the hot topics in public attention, like kidnapping and sexually enslaving teenagers (Pfeiffer, Windzio, & Kleimann, 2005, p.268). Therefore, although this crime is rare, suddenly newspapers and magazines are flooded with this type of crime. That makes the public feel that this crime could happen anywhere and anytime.
Besides of media influence, the public’s disappointment toward the court system’s too lenient penalty could be another reason causing the perception gap. Indermaur and Roberts (2005, p.152) find that a majority of people have lost confidence in sentencing as a way to deter criminals from reoffending, because the penalties are not strict enough. Similarly, other authors (Pfeiffer, Windzio, & Kleimann, 2005, p.273) suggest that people have leaned toward harsher punishments, rather than offender resocialization as a purpose of sentencing. Thus, cruel criminals are thought to receive too much mercy from the court. This fuels the public’s anger and fear of these criminals, because they believe that light sentencing would not be able to deter and alter criminal tendency, or incapacitate them to prevent re-victimization (Indermaur & Roberts, 2005, p.156). Therefore, despite of effective policing leading to more criminals being captured, people still fear that these criminals are, or soon to be, available everywhere and ready to kill.
In conclusion, this essay explains the contradiction that while people seem to be more worried by crime, the research evidence suggests crime rates are not increasing. It is stated that researchers suggest crime rates are not increasing, because they fail to record all crime incidents. On the other hand, aging population, stabilization in migration, and effective policing could be accounted for crime reduction, which leads to lower recorded crime rates. Secondly, the public’s misperception and fear of crime are explained by the fact that people often mistake crime to be rising, due to their overestimation of violent crime.
More specifically, the essay argues that the media influences the public’s social construction of reality, so that people equate crime to violent crime and overestimate the likelihood of this crime happening. In addition to media influence, the criminal justice system’s failure to impose strict sentences to criminals, who commit serious crimes, causes the public to believe that these criminals are available everywhere and ready to kill, so this amplifies the fear of crime.
Adoni, H., & Mane, S. (1984). Media and the social construction of reality: Toward an integration of theory and research. Communication Research, 11(3), 323-340.
Australian Institute of Criminology. (2013). Australian crime: Facts & figures 2012. Retrieved from http://portal.qibt.qld.edu.au/moodle2/pluginfile.php/79020/mod_resource/content/1/4.1%20AIC%202012%20Facts%20and%20Figures.pdf
Chiricos, T., Eschholz, S., & Gertz, M. (1997). Crime, news and fear of crime: Toward an identification of audience effects. Social Problems, 44(3), 342-357.
Davis, B., & Dossetor, K. (2010). (Mis)perceptions of crime in Australia. Australian Institute of Criminology, Trends & Issues in crime and criminal justice, 396.
Hayes, H., & Prenzler, T. (2012). An introduction to crime and criminology (3ed.). New South Wales, Australia: Pearson Australia.
Indermaur, D., & Roberts, L. (2005). Perceptions of crime and justice. In S. Wilson, G. Meagher, R. Gibson, D. Denemark, & M. Western (Eds.), Australian social attitudes: The first report (pp. 141-160). Sydney: UNSW Press.
Lundman, R. J. (2003). The newsworthiness and selection bias in news about murder: Comparative and relative effects of novelty and race and gender typifications on newspaper coverage of homicide. Sociological Forum, 18(3), 357-386.
McCarthy, J. D., McPhail, C., & Smith, J.
(1996). Images of protest: Dimensions of selection bias in media coverage of Washington demonstrations, 1982 and 1991. American Sociological Review, 61(3), 478-499.
Oliver, P. E., & Meyers, D. J. (1999). How events enter the public sphere: Conflict, location, and sponsorship in local newspaper coverage of public events. American Journal of Sociology, 105(1), 38-87.
Pfeiffer, C., Windzio, M., & Kleimann, M. (2005). Media use and its impacts on crime perception, sentencing attitudes and crime policy. European Journal of Criminology, 2(3), 259-285.
Surette, R., & Otto, C. (2001). The media’s role in the definition of crime. In H. Stuart & M. Lanier (Eds.), What is crime?: Controversies over the nature of crime and what to do about it (pp. 139-154). Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.