A Yoruba Woman attending a Sango Festival at Iseyin, Nigeria, 1968.
-African Textiles and Decorative Arts; The Museum of Modern Art New York.
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A Yoruba Woman attending a Sango Festival at Iseyin, Nigeria, 1968.
-African Textiles and Decorative Arts; The Museum of Modern Art New York.
A Nigerian woman in Traditional dress. Photo by John Hinde.
A yoruba woman dancing at Ipele, near Owo, Nigeria, 1969.
A Yoruba devotee of Sango-Egun dancing at a festival in Nigeria, 1968.
-African Textiles and Decorative Arts; The Museum of Modern Art New York.
Near Ibadan, Nigeria. 1956 | ©W Robert Moore
The Alake (ruler) of Abeokuta, Sir Ladapo Samuel Ademola II. Abeokuta, Nigeria. 1959. | ©Eliot Elisofon.
Weavers in Lagos. Photograph taken between 1910 and 1913. Lagos, West Africa. X
Remains of buildings at Koso. Located in North-western Yorubaland, Koso was one of the capitals of the Oyo Empire which collapsed in the mid 19th century.
-Babatunde Agbaje-Williams, et.al.(1990).
Remains of a defensive wall and a building at Koso. Koso was one of the capitals of the Oyo Empire in North-Western Yorubaland. It is also the place where one of the kings of old, Alaafin Sango is believed to have transformed into the god of thunder.
-Babatunde Agbaje-Williams, et.al. (1990).
A woman on her way to the market. January 10, 1964. Ibadan, Nigeria. X.
Go any info on Yoruba culture in Cuba? Or any other Hispanic or West Indian/carribean country?
Hi, I’ve posted about Yoruba afro-brazilians on this blog previously. While at this point in time I do not have readily available scholarly sources on various Yoruba diasporic cultures. However, there are various Yoruba diasporic/Yoruba influenced cultures in the diaspora. This is often easily seen in music, food and religion i.e santeria and candomble in Cuba and Brazil respectively. If you are looking for a specific information, you will have to message me about it.
plus there are many bloggers on here who are much more involved in those communities and can therefore give you accurate and firsthand information such as @odofemi and @gelopanda and of course there are recent migrations to those places too.
PHOTOGRAPH OF ABIOLA LAWAL PRESENTING AN OFFICIAL BEATER STICK TO HER APPRENTICE, WHO KNEELS AS A SIGN OF RESPECT TO HER SEATED MENTOR. THE APPRENTICE'S FIRST COMPLETED CLOTH IS STILL ON THE LOOM. THIS PHOTOGRAPH IS TYPICAL OF THOSE TAKEN TO DOCUMENT THE END OF A WEAVING APPRENTICESHIP. IJEBU-ODE, 1978. LISA ARONSON.
1.ADESINA ADEYEMI IN HIS TYPICAL ATTIRE AS HEAD OF THE REFORMED OSHUGBO FRATERNITY. IT CONSISTS OF AN IBORUN-NLA WRAPPER AND TWO ITAGBE, ONE ON HIS LEFT SHOULDER (BEARING THE INITIALS OF THE FRATERNITY) AND THE OTHER ON HIS HEAD. IJEBU-IFE, JUNE 1978.
2.ADESINA ADEYEMI DRESSED IN HIS OFFICIAL ATTIRE AS A HIGH-RANKING CHIEF. HE WEARS AN ITAGBEOVER HIS SHOULDER. IJEBU-IFE, JUNE 1978.
-LISA ARONSON.
Aso olona is not standard attire for chiefs or Ogboni members throughout Yorubaland and therefore does not figure in many studies on Ogboni ritual. Only the Egba, the Ijebu's neighbors to the west, use the cloths for chieftaincy and Oshugbo attire in ways similar to those of the Ijebu.29 Nonetheless aso olona has made an impact on regions well beyond the Ijebu area, mainly to the east, among Ijo groups living at the eastern end of the Niger Delta proper. Nembe, Kalabari, and Ibani Ijo families typically own a type of cloth that bears a striking resem- blance to aso olona both in overall construction and in its array of patterns. This textile seems to have had its origin among the Ijebu, although the Ijo identify it and its designs as ikakibite (ikag- ibara among the Nembe), meaning "cloth of the tortoise." The Ijo regard the tortoise as supremely powerful because of his wise and cunning behav- ior, and so give him prominence on this prestigious cloth. The Ijebu honor the tortoise as one of many water spirits, but they do not represent him on aso olona. The fact that the Ijo refer to all of the patterns on the cloth as tortoise suggests that they have reinterpreted the meaning of the varied Ijebu patterns to make them their own, a process Joanne Eicher and Tonye Erekosima have termed "cultural authentication" (1981). Nonetheless, Eastern Ijo groups are well aware of the western origins of their tortoise cloth. This is expressed clearly in a Nembe Ijo masquerade called Owuaya, which is the name for both the mother or guardian mask and the entire canoe-load of masquerades that she brings ashore. The Owuaya complex can only be performed (i.e., brought out from the canoe) through the presentation of a cloth bearing the tortoise design. According to E. J. Ala- goa's 1982 account, the Opu Sekiapu (head of the Sekiapu society) first offers fifteen manillas, a traditional form of money, to which Owuaya, the mother or guardian of the masquerades, replies that they are worth "more than four hundred manillas, indeed more than four hundred times four hundred manillas." The Opu Sekiapu then offers a piece of rare handwoven cloth called iselema bite (Fig. 25). It is only this cloth that is deemed acceptable as payment for the masquerades to exit from the canoe and dance (Alagoa 1982:272). Owuaya says: "The cloth is fine, very fine. Is this not a unique cloth from Warri river? The cloth is fine, very fine. This cloth that comes from Warri river. Is it not a special cloth?" In addition to suggesting the cloth's extreme value, the words confirm that the cloth came from the west, or Warri, side of the Delta, iselema being the Nembe word for that side. Moreover, the cloth's panel construction and weft-float patterns strongly suggest Ijebu origins. Some Ijo groups, the Egbema Ijo of the Western Delta periphery in particular, even refer to such cloth as idokobite, bite being the word for cloth and idoko, the local name for the Ijebu.
Ijebu Textiles beyond Ijebuland. Lisa Aronson, Ijebu Yoruba "Aso Olona": A Contextual and Historical Overview.
the Ijebu. But how and under what circumstances did the Ijo acquire these cloths? In previous studies I have explained it solely in terms of trade (Aronson 1980b, 1981), an explanation that I now feel may not be completely accurate. It is true that in the last few centuries the Eastern Ijo have received vast quantities and varieties of cloths traded from elsewhere in Nigeria, Ghana, England, France, and India, all of which they have incorporated into local use and preserved as family heirlooms. We also know that the Ijebu, the originators of aso olona, have been actively trading cloth in the Niger Delta for the last 400 years. As early as the sixteenth century, the Portuguese explorer Duarte Pacheco Pereira observed the Ijebu trading cloths along with beads, animal skins, and palm oil in the direction of the Forcados, a river located just south of Warri in the central Niger Delta (Pereira 1956).32 The very same pattern continued into this century, as confirmed by an Itsekiri chief who recounted that as a child (in the 1930s) he had seen Ijebu traders selling cloths along the banks of the river near his village of Batere. The question remains as to whether or not aso olona actually figured in this trade. Historical sources indicate only that the Ijebu were trading blue and white striped cloths, much like the plain- woven varieties of Ijebu weaving (aso odun, ikale) described earlier in this paper. The more richly decorated aso olona are never mentioned in these references. ...Following his line of argument, we can presume that the Ijebu brought aso olona into the Delta for their own use and for reasons linked to their associations with power and authority. Several factors support the idea of an Ijebu presence in the Delta area sufficient to warrant the construction of spirit shrines where aso olona were hung, or for Ijebu authorities to be seen wearing or using their ritual attire. One attraction would have been the Itsekiri, who live in the Warri area just south of Benin. Although living some distance from Ijebuland, the Itsekiri are culturally and linguistically related to the Ijebu. In fact, several Itsekiri towns still claim Ijebu origin,34 which indicates an early pattern of Ijebu settlement, possibly as a result of the cloth trade. Another factor is the reciprocal pattern of exchange between the Ijebu and Ijo as clearly indi- cated by the presence of Ijo institutions in Ijebu territory
Ijebu Textiles beyond Ijebuland. Lisa Aronson, Ijebu Yoruba "Aso Olona": A Contextual and Historical Overview.
The second category of cloths woven on the upright loom is aso olona, the main focus of this study. This textile is produced only in the Ijebu area, presumably because of its link to the Ijebu-based Oshugbo society. It requires a third heddle or pattern stick for the incorporation of a rich array of supplemental patterns and shag textures. Thus the cloth carries the name aso olona, meaning "cloth with patterns." It comes in two distinct sizes. The larger one, intended as a wrapper, requires four individual panels sewn together along the selvage to create a cloth measuring approximately 1.8 by 2.5 meters (Fig. 1). Referred to as aso iborun- nla, meaning "big covering cloth,"6 it is worn toga-style with one corner flung over the left shoulder. The Ijebu name for the smaller cloth is itagbe (Fig. 2). Conceivably a miniaturized version of the larger wrapper, it is constructed of only one panel of cloth approximately 1.2 meters in length. Depending on its use, the itagbe is worn either over the left shoulder, over the right, or on the head. Regardless of what type of cloth the weavers are working on, they tell me they must always appeal to Obalufon, their god of creativity and weaving, for inspiration and for assistance in divid- ing the warp threads so that the beater stick (apasa) can enter.7 However, the technical knowledge of weaving is a privilege acquired mainly as adults through a highly structured system of apprenticeship, though some women learn at an early age from their mothers. Abiola Lawal, a weaver in Ijebu-Ode, informed me that she had taught forty- three apprentices how to weave. Apprenticeship with her could take up to a year, the length of time needed to master the mechanics of weaving and to of weaving and to complete a weft-float patterned cloth.
Lisa Aronson, Ijebu Yoruba "Aso Olona": A Contextual and Historical Overview.
The Ijebu are best described as a federation of states (Isichei 1983:134) combining a divine king (Awujale) with a more decentralized form of government. The Awujale, who is based in the town of Ijebu-Ode, rules over a series of lesser crowned rulers located in towns such as Ijebu-Ife, Ijebu-Remo, Ijebu-Imushin, and Ijebu-Igbo. The latter are expected to honor and serve the Awujale at the same time that they exercise some degree of autonomous rule over chiefs and others below them. A separate but not unrelated system of rule is the judiciary society called Oshugbo by the Ijebu and Egba Yoruba (and Ogboni by other Yoruba subgroups); it is made up of male and female elders who oversee court cases at various levels, decide the punishment of criminals who have been condemned to death, and tend to all affairs concerning the king from the time he is selected and installed to his burial (Drewal, Pemberton, & Abiodun 1989:136). The present ruling kingdom was said to have been founded in the late fourteenth century when, according to myth, Obanta, son of the god Oduduwa, was sent from Ile-Ife to reign as Awujale of the Ijebu nation. In the process, he encountered and subsequently conquered several indigenous groups including the Idoko, a name that still identifies the people in one Ijebu district and which has some bearing on the history of weaving in the area. Later migrations from Benin and Ondo added rich layers of culture to the Ijebu area. Yet other influences came by way of the Ijo of the Niger Delta, from whom the Ijebu adopted cultural traditions including their water-spirit masquerades
Lisa Aronson, Ijebu Yoruba "Aso Olona": A Contextual and Historical Overview.
HOOKED STAFF TRADITIONALLY CARRIED IN THE LEFT HAND BY MEMBERS OF THE OSHUGBO SOCIETY AND CHIEFS FROM IJEBU. IJEBU-ODE, MAY 1978. PHOTOGRAPHY BY LISA ARONSON.