Proof of the existence of asexuals in LGBT+ communities before 2000:
The Golden Orchid association (1644-1949) - a group of women in China that included lesbians, bisexuals, and âwomen who wanted to avoid both marriage options, and any romantic or sexual partnershipâ that today we would call asexual or aromantic.Â
Another Golden Orchid association link (which, interestingly, describes what appears to be a poly relationship).Â
Personal experience of a queer-identifying person noting that aces were part of the bi community in the 80s and 90s.
A book published in 1999 supports the previous link of someoneâs personal experience, and notes that asexuals could be considered part of Kinseyâs âGroup 3âł (the bisexuals) because they were âabout equally homosexual and heterosexualâ and âhave no strong preferences for one or the otherâ just like bisexuals.Â
Another book that supports the personal experience source by noting that asexuals were considered part of the bisexual âGroup 3âł, which was published in 1999.
Another post of someoneâs personal experiences of asexuals being part of the LGBT+ community in the 90s.Â
A source from 1999 noting that, while some female-female relationships in the early to mid-twentieth century were obviously lesbian relationships, not all of them were, but that it would be a mistake to label them all âfriendshipsâ. It specifically notes that asexual partnered relationships also existed.Â
This book describes a series of interviews done in 1990 by Catherine Whitney who interviewed heterosexual women married to gay men, and found that they were often asexual. It also describes how, in 1990, Ann Landers (a very popular advice columnist) asked her readers if married couples could enjoy a full life without sex and was flooded with 35,000 responses from people of all ages who had little or no sex and didnât miss it. It also describes how âBoston marriageâ was originally coined with a not-necessarily-always-accurate implication that such a relationship between women was nonsexual, but that later on the assumption was reversed to imply women in a sexual lesbian relationship, and how that caused some women involved in such relationships to hide the asexual nature of their relationships for fear of being called frauds by the larger lesbian community.
This 1997 book that states âTo be a Kinsey 3 (bisexual) is to be equally attracted to men and women, i.e. completely bisexualâŠit is also to be equally unattracted to men and women, i.e. completely asexual. Bisexuality is never about two, only about one â asexual, or self-fulfilling â or three â continuously and equally attracted to both men and womenâ.
Proof of asexuality being considered as a concrete, distinct orientation before 2000:
One of the first online posts about asexuality in its current use, was made in 1997.Â
A study on anorexia and bulemia in gay and bisexual men done in 1999 found that 58% of anorexia patients were asexual.Â
The 1997 Australasian Gay & Lesbian Law Journal mentions asexual as a ârelevant sexual identityâ.
A 1983 issue of the Journal of Sex Research studied the Mental Health Implications of Sexual Orientation among heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, and asexual people.Â
The article âAsexuality as Orientation: Some Historical Perspectivesâ describes different historical studies on asexuality, including a study from Johnson in 1977 where the word asexual was used to describe women âregardless of physical or emotional condition, actual sexual history, and marital status or ideological orientation, [who] seem to prefer not to engage in sexual activityâ. It also describes a 1980 study by Storms who included asexual as one of four orientation categories when mapping out sexual orientation. It also describes a 1983 study by Nurius that found out of 685 participants, 5% of males and 10% of females were asexual. It also describes a 1990 study by Berkley et al. that included questions ârelated to homosexuality, heterosexuality, and asexualityâ and included four items (out of 45) that were specific to asexuality.Â
This book published in 1922 contains a lot of what I personally would describe as narcissism and pseudo-science, but acknowledges asexuality nonetheless:Â âIn addition to the ordinary distinctive males and females, we have asexuals, homosexuals, bisexuals, and old women of both sexes.â
This book from 1996 that notes âA transsexual may have a heterosexual orientation, a homosexual orientation, a bisexual orientation â or an asexual orientationâ and clarifies that âa very small number â are asexual or bisexual.â
This book mentions a study by Malyon in 1981 that noted the options available to gay and lesbian teenagers choosing whether, or how, to come out by â[describing] three possible modes of adaptation in adolescence: repression of sexual desire, suppression of homosexual impulses in favor of heterosexual or asexual orientation, or a homosexual disclosure.â
Kinds of oppression that asexuals face:
Eunjung Kim wrote a chapter titled âHow Much Sex Is Healthy? The Pleasures of Asexualityâ that describes how âthe absence of sexual desires, feelings, and activities is seen as abnormal and reflective of poor healthâ in Western contemporary culture âbecause of the explicit connection between sexual activeness and healthinessâ and argues that âmedical explanations of asexuality as an abnormality that has to be corrected constitute a large part of the stigmatization and marginalization experienced by asexual people.â It also discusses the ways in which some groups, specifically Asian American males, that are desexualized can erase the space for asexual Asian American men to simply exist.
Asexuals also face sexual harassment, rape threats, corrective sexual assault, and corrective rape (which, no, is not a lesbian-only term according to actual South Africans) specifically because they are asexual.Â
There was a recent study by the AAU to identify sexual assault on college campuses, and broke down the responders to their survey by sexual orientation, including asexual. The results clearly show that asexuals are not immune to unwanted sexual contact, stalking, intimate partner violence, or sexual harassment.
A chapter of âAsexualities: Feminist and Queer Perspectivesâ that notes the specific way that asexual people are talked to/about: âBecause asexual difference cannot be iterated in the linguistic field where sex and a sexed position dominate the discourse of sexuality and desire, the asexual subject is linguistically and visually dismantled and reconstructed in the position of a fetish object. This fetishistic conversion happens because the asexual person is made into an image, or spectacle, for consumption.â and âThe difference between the unassailable asexual (someone who lacks all of the traits commonly blamed for asexuality such as past history of abuse, disability, etc.) and the spectacular asexual is that while the unassailable asexual allegedly makes asexuality digestible for a skeptical public and presents an accessible image, the spectacular asexual is always consumed as a fetish object, regardless of mental health, ability, and gender.â
The study âIntergroup bias toward âGroup Xâ: Evidence of prejudice, dehumanization, avoidance, and discrimination of asexualsâ is exactly what it sounds like. The articleâs abstract states: âIn two studies (university student and community samples) we examined the extent to which those not desiring sexual activity are viewed negatively by heterosexuals. We provide the first empirical evidence of intergroup bias against asexuals (the so-called âGroup Xâ), a social target evaluated more negatively, viewed as less human, and less valued as contact partners, relative to heterosexuals and other sexual minorities. Heterosexuals were also willing to discriminate against asexuals (matching discrimination against homosexuals). Potential confounds (e.g., bias against singles or unfamiliar groups) were ruled out as explanations.â
The Invisible Orientation: An Introduction to Asexuality describes many issues that asexuals face, including: how asexuality is seen as âinvisibleâ and lends to people thinking it does not exist, how asexuality is actively erased as âunimportantâ or not its own identity, the explicitly and implicitly negative messages associated with a lack of sexual attraction, the fear asexuals face when they believe there is something physically or psychologically wrong with them for being asexual, the belief asexuals face about how they must be deeply flawed since they do not conform to other sexual identities, how asexuals face cultural ideologies that sexuality is biologically based and ubiquitous (that all humans possess sexual desire) and that donât acknowledge asexuality, that to describe oneself as asexual is a statement of moral superiority or purity or failure to find a suitable partner, that asexuality is an immature state they will âgrow out ofâ, that asexuality is a description of action or a preference, that asexuality is unnatural or unhealthy or has to be a symptom of something else, etc.
Asexuality has been shown in the media in a negative light for decades, reflecting the idea that (for various reasons steeped in classism and racism) any woman who wasnât willing to marry and procreate was a threat to the status quo, as seen in this 1955 book that notes:Â âWomen who did not marry incurred political and social scorn for another reason. The influx of eastern and southern European immigrants in the United States pushed the question into eugenic termsâthe wrong people were reproducing. Educated women came primarily from white middle- and upper-class stock, the most desired element by dominant social norms. When these women refused to marry and reproduce, they forced a new concern into the public discourse. it is not a coincidence that the stereotypical asexual unmarried older woman emerged at this time as a source of popular humor.â
Some people in some religions are very explicit about hating asexuals specifically because they are asexual, seeing asexuality as âa perversion akin to homosexuality and bestialityâ.Â
Other religions see asexuals as actually sinful if they choose not to have sex with their spouse.
While not every member of every religion looks down on asexuals, many people in portions of various religions choose to view asexuals negatively.Â
Some people even recommend asexuals avoid being in a relationship with non-asexuals and assert that âpromoting and trying to spreadâ asexuality, or behaving in an asexual manner, is wrong or unhealthy.Â
Because of these religious beliefs about asexuality, that also opens up asexuals to discrimination in various legal ways, including (but not limited to) things like the new adoption bill in Texas.Â
Asexuality was implicitly pathologized until very recently, and even now, the DSM-V states that a diagnosis of HSDD may not be given only if the patient has a preexisting knowledge of asexuality and chooses to ID that way.
Asexuals have long been considered part of the bisexual community. When people used to talk about bisexuals, it included asexuals because asexuals were the bisexuals too. Bisexual history is asexual history.
Asexuals have also long been considered as a stand-alone orientation that was part of larger non-straight communities and could be studied in comparison to other sexual orientations.Â
Asexuals face many of the same issues that other marginalized orientations face as well as issues specific to their orientation. These include erasure, medicalization, misidentification, harassment, rape specifically targeted at them for being asexual, and religious intolerance, to name just a few. Â
None of this is exhaustive. There are more sources to be found and studied.Â
