The White Man: Identity as Opposition in 19th century America
Take up the White Man's burden-- Send forth the best ye breed-- Go bind your sons to exile To serve your captives' need; To wait in heavy harness, On fluttered folk and wild-- Your new-caught, sullen peoples, Half-devil and half-child.
- The first stanza of The White Mans Burden by Rudyard Kipling from 1899.
1899âs âThe White Manâs Burden!â by William H. Walker. The figures of Uncle Sam and Kaiser Wilhelm being carried on backs of subjugated people in the Philippines, India, and Africa. These figures have always been depicted as Caucasian, literal figures of white peoples. This and a series of illustrations are based off a famous poem by a Britain in reaction to American takeover of the Philippines, presenting the White Mans Burden as a thankless but necessary job in âcivilizingâ the savage, âHalf demon half childâ people. Source.
        It is odd, as a white person, to hear news of a White Power movement growing in America, specifically among young white men in the right side of the political spectrum. I canât help but ask, when was power taken from white people? Weâve always been the majority in America, dominating popular culture to a problematic extent. Weâve also dominated education, populate the highest priced residential areas, and make up the richest people in the world (though that is changing in all aspects). So, itâs strange to have watched people protest in Charlottesville with dollar store tiki torches, The president advocate for extreme immigration control, and that same president by advised by a major white nationalist advocate (Who likely influenced the prior decision). I ask again, why do whites need more power? To reference the poem above, does the white man carry a burden?
As American society begins to grip with its past, full of racism, colonialism, exoticism, and taking advantages of minorities, we see this sudden push back from this group of people who advocate for âwhite powerâ, more specifically, to defend this âwhite powerâ. Throughout their debates, we find references to âwhite genocideâ, through immigration, racial based science, and eugenics, along with linking minorities (specifically the colored minorities) to higher rates of crime (Clark). They participate in this âotheringâ of ânon-whiteâ races, which finds an uncomfortable connection within the very history they (and society as a whole) debate with.
1960s Century propaganda for the Democratic party, illustrating the Democratic party as the respectful, hardworking White Man and the Republican Party as this cartoonish mockery of âthe Negroâ as a âCarpet-Baggerâ (a term for traveling swindlers). Several similar posters can be found, with the same slogan. It should be stated that this is before the Democratic and Republican platforms switched platforms with each other around the early 20th century. Source.
        As American began to find itself in the 19th century, meaning its identity along with the fact the nation had only recently been created, we find the identity of the âWhiteâ individual being emboldened by the othering of those races they considered âsavageâ. The figure of the white man is presented as this master of the nature, this excellent survivalist, who at the same time astounds audiences with his charisma and charm, all the while civilizing the wild world of the American West. Itâs outlined by Minstrel Shows, Public displays of âHistoryâ like Buffalo Bills Wild West Show and to a lesser extent those of P.T. Barnum, and the depictions of both the white man and the Native American that find themselves in 19th century culture. To illustrate this plainly, look at âThe White Mans Burden!â once again, the white man is carried forward only under the mistreatment of the Colored while at the same time this action being called his âburdenâ.
At the same time all this is happening, this identity allows other marginalized people, particularly the Irish, to integrate into society more easily. The identity of âthe Whiteâ, in place of nationality, gets solidified in the 19th century as an aspect of being American by âotheringâ the savage, the minority.
An 1899 Lithographed Advertisement for William H. Westâs Big Minstrel Jubilee, Carrol Johnson is depicted in his natural state and In black face. Notice the clear difference in how he carries himself between the two depictions. Source.
        In the beginning of the era, we see both at the same time minstrel shows and minstrelsy in itself become immensely popular (oddly enough among the Northern states) and the westward expansion of America happen leading to Native American displays like Barnumâs and Buffalo Bills Wild West Shows (along with Medicine Shows offshoot). Both participate in the same type of âotheringâ, the colored (or rather those masquerading as the colored) as a show, a display for the white audiences to look at and place themselves in opposition to.
              The minstrel show started, preceded by what were called âEthiopian delineationâ which stole black culture, around 1828 with Thomas D. âDaddyâ Rice creating the character of âJim Crowâ (which was based off a young, disabled black stable hand of the same name). Typically, it consisted of a white man or men, with their faces blackened by shoe polish, performing a series of skits, comical speeches, musical renditions of slave songs in mock dialect, playing instruments, and âNegroâ humor (Toll).
It boomed in the entertainment hungry, blossoming cities of the 1820s, âWorking-class whites flocked to minstrel shows, where they could define their whiteness against the drama of blacknessâ (Browden 50). To quote Robert C. Toll of the American Heritage Magazine, âThe âJim Crowâ song and dance, observed writer Y. S. Nathanson in 1855, âtouched a chord in the American heart which had never before vibrated.â It brought black culture to white Americans.â It at the same time allowed white Americans to other the black figure, positioning themselves as the âcivilâ White opposition to the cartoony, caricature the minstrel show performers showed. It presented the black figure to an audience, that would have little true interaction with them:
The Northern white public before the Civil War generally knew little about black people. But it knew that it did not welcome blacks as equals and that it did enjoy watching minstrels portray the âoddities, peculiarities, eccentricities, and comicalities of that Sable Genus of Humanity.â With their ludicrous dialects, grotesque make-up, bizarre behavior, and simplistic caricatures, minstrels portrayed blacks as totally inferior. Minstrels created two sets of contrasting stereotypesâthe happy, frolicking plantation darkies and the foolish, inept urban fools (Toll).
Both stereotypes that these Minstrel shows presented, neither the truth of these people, were more digestible and thus, more easily universally âotheredâ as inferior. âWhiteness is defined in opposition to blackness, which becomes performative and ridiculousâ, the two become polar opposites to each other (Browden 49). Â One is seen as the civilized race, the clear White, and the other is seen as the lazy, silly black.
In this opposition of the White and the Black, we oddly find this integration going on at the same time of separation of race. During this time, Irish Immigrants would be in the same niches of African Americans, being compared and put on the same unequal level as them.
However, these shows of race offered immigrants âthe chance to develop an identity that downplayed their own âforeignâ ethnicity and offered them an opportunity for a common, Americanized identity in opposition to blacknessâ Simply put, Minstrelsy as a whole âmade a contribution to a sense of popular whiteness among workers across lines of Ethnicity, religion, and skillâ (Browder 50). It created this highly specifically American white identity (Some could say it becomes the American identity itself), that enabled the immigrant to integrate themselves more easily into the new America as it lined its sights on skin tone rather than nationality.
Yet, this came at the price of denying Black Americans the same courtesy, as Minstrelsy refused to work in both directions. The White could mock the black by becoming them temporarily, however the Black were ridiculed. The White American could act Black, however the Black American could not âact whiteâ, as it was put for the White was seen as the norm, the goal.
A group of Native Americans (assumed Sac, Fox, and Iowa personages) Barnum had perform at his American Museum to perform dances and âwar-likeâ reenactments. He is recorded as calling them âa lazy, shiftless set of brutesâ Source.
        I would be remised to talk about popular displays of race and entertainment (along with arguments of authenticity) without talking about P.T. Barnum and his American Museum. He displayed various African Americans as freaks, like Joice Heth or âWhat Is It?â who was malformed African American man presented as the link between man and ape, although he wouldnât allow African Americans into his museums until the 1860s (Browder 56). He offered a similar role Minstrelsy offered to the white audiences, a chance to create White identity in opposition to Blacks he presented as âfreaksâ and âodditiesâ. Additionally, Barnum, before Buffalo Bills Wild West Shows would come onto the scene, displayed Native Americans at his museum, presented simply as themselves which was enough to create opposition to the population that would have little interaction with Indians in a non-performance, spectacle based space.
In 1843, he had those Native Americans pictured above perform at his museum for his audiences. He stated, âThese wild Indians seemed to consider their dances as realitiesâ referring to the Indian performers refusal to understand the âperformative nature of their livesâ (Browder 57). Later that same yet, he would present to 24,000 spectators in New Jersey a âGrand Buffalo Huntâ where a âwhite man dressed as an Indian chased a herd of yearling buffaloes across the Hoboken race courseâ (57). In this instance, âthe national drama of westward expansion was reduced to a child-sized jokeâ, as Laura Browder puts it.
Later in 1863, He would group up the most popular Indian chiefs in the country in one area, from their peace conference with President Lincoln. One of those chiefs was Yellow Buffalo, famous for his battles, âDuring the show, Barnum would make a great pretense of saying respectful and admiring things about him, put his around him and so forthâŠ.while his patter (which Yellow Buffalo couldnât understand because he didnât speak English) described all of his blood-curdling atrocitiesâ (Stewart).
Finally, by 1884, He would present the âGrand Ethological Congress of Nationsâ (after his days of Museums and into his Circuses), âin which he presented all the known worldâs âuncivilized racesâ and âsavage and barbarous tribesâ, including a group of North American Sioux people amongst the Zulus, Polynesians and Australian Aboriginesâ (Stewart). Needless to say, Barnum pictured American Indians as the popular culture did, savage.
He presents these displays of Native Americans as he did his Black American displays, as oddities that find themselves outside of the White, âcivilizedâ society. These âperformancesâ offered yet another chance for the White populace, including immigrants, to define themselves by their Whiteness. âMany immigrants first saw Indians at the museum; it was here that they might affirm themselves as Americans viewing the vanquished subjects of their newly adopted nationâ (Browder 57). They hold themselves in opposition to the âwild Indiansâ and African Americans (Depicted as semi human or mystically old). Barnum offers a in between for Minstrelsy and Buffalo Billâs Wild West shows, this performance of exaggerated caricature of both Black Americans and Native Americans while at the same time trying to perform in this authentic, historical context.
A poster for Buffalo Billâs Wild West (and Congress of Rough Riders of the World). The description reads âRepresenting various tribes, Characters and Peculiarities of the wily dusky warriors in scenes from actual life giving their weird ward dances and picturesque style of horsemanshipâ. The American Indians are characterized as this odd mixture of earthy colors, in these wild and savage positions as they attack a wagon train (based on a real life event) reflecting cultural thought of the Indian as a war-seeking people. The Whites are depicted as innocent, or respectful like Buffalo Bill, sitting on his horse evenly in comparison to the ârough riderâ way (which even the horses seem scared of). Source.
In the same vein, Buffalo Bills Wild West Shows (and later Medicine Shows after these shows lose popularity) depicted the American Indian as another opposite to the âWhiteâ identity (Although not entirely on the surface level). Buffalo Bills Wild West Shows began in the early 1880s, when these displays of Indians and Buffalo Hunts had become acts of nationalistic, solemn pride rather than the comical acts of Minstrelsy and Barnumâs displays (though it almost replaced Minstrelsy to a point). Buffalo Bill, his real name being William Fredrick Cody, authenticated these shows as being historical in nature, in truth they were recent enough that the lines between reality and history became thin enough to affect eachother (Browder 58).
These shows of âhistorical eventsâ would present various acts, âThe show's constantly changing format consisted of several exhibitions and competitions involving activities such as riding, hunting, shooting, and dancingâ along with reenactments of famous battles or particular events, such as the famous âAttack on Settlerâs Cabinâ where Indians âplayedâ themselves (in this odd act of authenticity against the cultural thought of the Native American) while âwhite performers would defend a homestead of women and children from native raidersâ (White 35-36). These shows started more basic, with basic shooting demonstrations of Annie Oakley, but as the shows became more popular they became more violent, more âloudâ, âAs one reporter wrote "[t]he more there was of banging pistols and scurrying Indians, the better apparently the spectators liked it" (36).
While these shows were no where near the level of mockery and caricature the likes of Minstrelsy was to the native populations (along with other minorities later allowed to perform), it still portrays a divide and opposites between White and Colored peoples. It is the fantastical version of the Wild West History, that the easterners likely would have never interacted with other than through other people (who would likely be White). The Wild West became Buffalo Bill to eastern audiences and American Indians became walking advertisements for the show (along with being used later in Medicine Shows as mascots for authenticity). Joy Kasson says, In her book overlooking the entirety of Buffalo Billâs Wild West:
âIn its crude form as a dime novel or melodrama, and in its more sophisticated form in the animated outdoor drama, this Wild West story reached for the power of myth. And to attain this mythic level, it required an enemy, a counter-force against which the hero displayed his virtues. American Indians were consistently cast in this roleâ (161).
The white actors would be displayed as strong, skilled, outdoors men, holding shooting shows, rounding buffalo, acting as the heroes in historical reenactments saving captured women, and defeating those the popular culture considers âsavageâ. Meanwhile, the American Indian actors, being primarily from the Ogalala Sioux, would be presented doing war-dances, only participating in specifically âIndianâ activities, and the fallen in fake battles.
While Buffalo Bill might not have meant the view of them to be so, excuse the phrase, Black and White, it would easily be digested that way in the eyes of spectators. âStage actors can walk away from the parts they play, but the Wild West confounded distinctions between ârealityâ and ârepresentationâ, and just as Cody was considered a ârealâ hero because of his dramatic enactments, the American Indians in his company were identified with the villainous roles they played in the showâ (Kasson 162). After all, the white man cannot be the loser to the audience of whites, it simply wouldnât be satisfying.
Kathy White displays this definition of identity through opposition along with the division the White and the Colored have in these shows:
Riding exhibitions and competitions played a key role, although winning and losing depended on the day because competitions were debatably rigged; one Chicago Tribune article boasted that the American cowboy always beat "them all" (Indians, Mexicans, and other foreign performers that were later invited into the show).
Indeed, the definition of identity is often sought in its opposite. What is "right" is what is "not wrong" and in this case, what was "civilized" was supposedly that which was "not savage." One way to be delineated as "not savage" and, therefore, "civilized" was to have a relationship with technology. Correspondingly, Warren notes that the most technological feature of the show, the shooting competition, always saw white Americans victorious over Indians and Mexicans (36).
Through this âotheringâ of Native Americans as lesser, inferior to the White performers, it creates this affirmation of the âWhiteâ identity as higher. Granted, Kathy White also lays out points where Indians were often praised for their strength, their dexterity, ability to ride, and unique customs, however those are all put in opposition to the White, nevertheless. Of course, the Wild West is more complex than it is presented, however the history of it is written by the White victors, and the identity of the âWhiteâ is cemented by opposition.
The cover of a Phonoscope produced by Walt Disney in France titled âLa Ballade De Davy Crockettâ, depicting Davy Crockett fighting a Native American. The figure of Davy Crockett has become ingrained into America history as a true American icon, to the point a racoon tail cap can be directly tied to him without any other context. Source.
        To summarize the cultural image (and ideal) of the White American, we can look no further than Davy Crockett. This performance of whiteness, which exists majorly in opposition to non-whiteness, becomes somewhat tangled together with the performance of being American. From his beginnings as a popular icon in the 1830s, Davy Crocket employed âa combination of autobiography and melodramatic performance to craft an image of himself as an archetypical American, one whose stature depended in part on his ability to keep blacks and Indians in their placesâ as Laura Browden states. She captures an odd element that repeats in these narratives of the frontier, specifically in context of the White Man, this mixture of Historical context and fantastical exaggeration of prowess. Browden continues, âCrockettâs version of Americanness emerged in opposition to the other; his national identity came not from ancestry, blood, or essence but from his ability to conquer the land and its original inhabitantsâ (51). Crockett creates this uniquely White American image, that summarizes what Minstrelsy, Barnumâs displays, and Buffalo Bills Wild West Show all demonstrate below the surface.
To expand on this, it is no coincidence we see Crockett also align himself with people like General Andrew Jackson, who owned more than one hundred slaves, âbought with money gained from speculation on land from Native Americans, built his political reputation on his role as an Indian Fighterâ (51). The identity of the White American comes from this violent, oppositional force built on this image of the wilderness taming man, who at the same time tings on animalistic qualities (primarily that of raw, brutal strength) that are accepted simply because of his skin tone.
He presents as the white primitive, compared better to the Indian barbarians and the Black savages. Crockettâs status as a white American âwas set off against a background of inferior othersâ, boasting about boiling Indians for medicine for his pet bear, being able to swallow âa nigger whole without choking if you butter his head and pin his ears backâ, along with describing Mexicans and Cubans âas âdegenerate outlaws,â Indians as âred niggersâ, and African Americans as âape-like caricatures of humanityâ (Calling back to the Barnum display of âWhat is It?) (52). Davy Crockett created, paraded, and summarizes these concepts of Whiteness and Americanness as one null category, and that Identity existing only in opposition above others.
âBuffalo Billâs Duel with Yellow Handâ by James W. Buel from Heros of the Plains, or, Lives and  Wonderful Adventures of Wild Bill, Buffalo Bill ... and Other Celebrated Indian Fighters ... Including a True and Thrilling History of Gen. Custer's Famous "Last Fight" from 1881. Buffalo Bill is seen the victor of his 1876 duel with Hay-o-wei of the Cheyenne, he reenacts this event in his shows later. He holds the scalped hair and feathers of Hay-o-wei, an odd allusion to a practice Native Americans did.  Source.
        The identity of the White American in the 19th century mostly thrives in Opposition to other races, of skill, of morality, of humanity, and of civility. The theatrical tradition of Minstrelsy, The Displays of P.T. Barnum of both blacks and Native Americans, along with Buffalo Billâs Wild West Show all participate in this othering, intentional or not, of race ignoring nationality and blood. While it offers Immigrants an easier integration into American society, it also participates in this unkindness towards the âcoloredâ peoples. Black Americans are depicted as lazy, frolicking slaves or foolish urbanites all the while their culture is stolen and commodified for the White identity to laugh at. Native Americans have their culture commodified as well, used as entertainment and exoticism-focused exhibits, along with having to reenact brutal battles and deaths where they are always the victim. Davy Crockett stands as the figure of ideal White Americanness in opposition to all these stereotypes, this strong, nature conquering frontier man with condoned animalistic traits mixed with this racial oppression of the most American people and Blacks.
A photo of a sign displayed at a Trump Rally being reported on Fox News, reading âComing for Blacks & Indians First: Welcome to the New World Orderâ. This âNew World Orderâ is uncomfortably mirroring Antebellum Age America, zeroing in on the most oppressed races in the era (Not to downplay the oppression all other ânon-whiteâ races received). Source.
        This growing White Power movement in America finds itself uncomfortably close to the 19th centuryâs ideals of the White American. Perhaps it is no coincidence though. Is the power the White frontier man had the âWhite Powerâ they to reclaim? This perceived strength and domination over the land and its natural people, all the while being seen as the most skilled, civilized, and powerful race all at the same time? Perhaps, moreso, as the percentages of races in America begins to balance more, they begin to see these fears of losing more power, that is more influence over culture than the âpowerâ they already perceived they lost during the 20th and 21st century (perhaps by the movement to remove Antebellum age statues of Slaveowners). I state again, as a white individual, what power have white people lost that isnât one that we didnât deserve? If coming to terms with our mixed, racism-tinged past is a loss of power then, it is a loss of power in exchange for further equality.












