The most prevalent social justice issue of the last term has probably been the âDecolonise the curriculumâ campaign.Â
I think those who run and support this campaign have realised a crucial fact about the public sphere: that it is by no means endless. Inevitably, by paying more attention to certain questions, we spend less time on others. Based on this notion, academics and students alike have urged the university to introduce new, reformed curriculums. Curriculums that move away from the canon of âdead white menâ and include diverse voices from all around the globe.
However, if we really consider the stated aim of the campaign â that of âdecolonisationâ â weâll discover a fundamental issue with mainstream liberal student activism. Colonisation is widely understood as a political or as an economic project. It involved (involves?) exploitation, slavery, genocide, rape and so on. We still live in a world-system where the power-dynamics of colonialism are influential but anti-colonial movements and recent developments in the global economy have fundamentally challenged longstanding center-periphery relations. In contrast to the radical independence struggles of the past, today a vocal minority of university students - not just in Cambridge, of course - believes that they can shift these global power relations by introducing new curriculums. The material struggle has been left behind and the cultural war has begun.Â
Unfortunately, itâs crusade-like cultural war. I cannot even count how many times Iâve heard the phrase âdead white menâ since my time in Cambridge, usually used as a criticism to lump together thinkers from Plato through Descartes to Marx. I am not willing to pretend that we could have had radical politics without the canonical male figures of Western thinking. Those who argue that we should study their texts accompanied by feminist and postcolonial commentaries are on to something, but those advocating for their total replacement have a skewed, postmodernist view of history. They promote the understanding of academic disciplines only as fields for the struggle of identity groups over recognition not as scientific projects with internal set of rules. We must not forget that light-skinned people did not merely create colonialism but are responsible for many things we value as progressives today. âDead white menâ have introduced, amongst other ideas, secularism, community and personal freedom, anti-essentialism, etc. to our thinking, millions of light-skinned men have fought against fascist regimes throughout the last century.  To sum up this point we have to recognize that: âAlthough, in the past, the majority of scientists were middle-class white men, the knowledge of the world they uncovered transcends their identity group.â http://www.spiked-online.com/newsite/article/the-war-on-deadwhite-dudes/
Many would say that I only think this way because of my âwhite  privilegeâ, to this argument I can only answer by highlighting that as I am from Eastern-Europe - from a country that hardly participated in colonialism or the global slave-trade - terms as white/black fail to describe the power relations of my socialisation. (While other terms such as non-Roma privilege would of course make sense.) And I think One can make the argument that forcing an assumed âwhiteâ identity on light-skinned Eastern-Europeans is the manifestation of the Anglo-American hegemony over our discourses of social justice.











