Lin Junjian

Translations from the Book of Jin

[craftercat]

I should try and draw the family tree of Tuoba Yulu and Tuoba Shiyijian. Princess Liaoxi alone makes it confusing, even if Princess Helan wasn't her daughter (whether they were biologically related is not clear). And Tuoba Gui still fathered a son with his aunt.

[linjunjian]

Is it helpful?

[linjunjian]

Note to Self: Research historical tyrants before naming your pets.

A confession: I named my dog Bobo because it's a cute name.

Today, I finished my translation of the Jinshu's biography of the 5th-century emperor Helian Bobo, and... yikes. https://docs.google.com/document/d/1LVMsEoAeO9kCx2fObk1yJcudKlZ7s3P0/edit?usp=sharing&ouid=116077321629377540633&rtpof=true&sd=true

Helian Bobo had an intense management style. His policy for military equipment was simple: if an arrow pierced a shield, he killed the shield-maker. If the arrow failed to pierce it, he killed the arrow-maker. When he built his fortress, if an iron wedge could be hammered even an inch into a wall, the builder was killed and reportedly buried inside it.

In my defense, I just thought Bobo was a cute name.

Anyway, here's my Bobo, who has never committed a single war crime (to my knowledge).

[craftercat]

Uhhh...

That's actually kind of hilarious though. I made this humorous meme post about Tuoba Si and Helian Bobo's passive-aggressive rivalry btw:

Post by @craftercat · 1 image

💬 0  🔁 1  ❤️ 1 · Forgive me for the lack of pictures (I can't draw)...

(As a side note, I should probably revisit a few of my older posts, especially translations. I'll probably end up disagreeing with quite a few of my interpretations)

[craftercat]

As a sidenote, both me and @zgongjin are posting again. I hope that we can get the Three Kingdoms/Sixteen Kingdoms community back.

[linjunjian]

Wait, there was a community for 16K this whole time? And we're bringing it back? Fantastic. My Bobo content has found its people.

[linjunjian]

Note to Self: Research historical tyrants before naming your pets.

A confession: I named my dog Bobo because it's a cute name.

Today, I finished my translation of the Jinshu's biography of the 5th-century emperor Helian Bobo, and... yikes. https://docs.google.com/document/d/1LVMsEoAeO9kCx2fObk1yJcudKlZ7s3P0/edit?usp=sharing&ouid=116077321629377540633&rtpof=true&sd=true

Helian Bobo had an intense management style. His policy for military equipment was simple: if an arrow pierced a shield, he killed the shield-maker. If the arrow failed to pierce it, he killed the arrow-maker. When he built his fortress, if an iron wedge could be hammered even an inch into a wall, the builder was killed and reportedly buried inside it.

In my defense, I just thought Bobo was a cute name.

Anyway, here's my Bobo, who has never committed a single war crime (to my knowledge).

[linjunjian]

JS108 translation: Murong Hui

Murong Hui

Murong Hui, courtesy name Yiluogui, was a Xianbei from Jicheng in Changli. His ancestors were descendants of the Youxiong clan, who had long dwelt among the northern barbarians, settling in the plains of Zimeng, known as the Eastern Hu. Later, they rose to power alongside the Xiongnu, commanding over 200,000 archers, with customs and official titles similar to the Xiongnu. During the Qin and Han dynasties, they were defeated by the Xiongnu and sought refuge in the Xianbei Mountains, from which they took their name. His great-grandfather Mohuba, at the beginning of Wei, led various tribes to settle in Liaoxi. For his meritorious service in following Emperor Xuan's campaign against the Gongsun clan, he was appointed as the King of Shuaiyi and established his state north of Jicheng. At that time, many in Yan and Dai wore the buyao crown. Mohuba saw and admired it, so he gathered his hair and adopted the crown. The tribes thus called him Buyao, which later became corrupted in pronunciation to Murong. Another account says the name Murong came from "admiring the virtue of heaven and earth" and "succeeding the appearance of the three lights." His grandfather Muyan was the Left Wise Prince. His father Shegui was promoted to Xianbei Chanyu for his achievement in preserving Liucheng, and moved his settlement to northern Liaodong, whereupon they gradually adopted the customs of the Central Plains.

Hui was tall and imposing from a young age, with a handsome appearance, standing eight chi tall, and possessed heroic qualities and great magnanimity. Zhang Hua, the General Who Pacifies the North, was known for his ability to judge character. When Hui, still wearing a youth's cap, went to pay his respects, Zhang was greatly impressed and said to him: "When you come of age, you will surely become an extraordinary vessel of your time, one who will rectify difficulties and save the age." He then gave Hui his own cap and hairpin, and they parted with deep mutual regard. After Shegui's death, his younger brother Nai usurped the position and plotted to kill Hui. Hui fled in secret to escape harm. Later, the people of the state killed Nai and welcomed Hui back to establish him as their leader.

Initially, as Shegui had harbored resentment against the Yuwen Xianbei, Hui sought to settle his predecessor's grievance and petitioned to attack them. Emperor Wu refused permission. Enraged, Hui invaded Liaoxi, killing and plundering many. The Emperor dispatched Youzhou forces to suppress Hui, and they fought at Feiru, where Hui's forces suffered a major defeat. Thereafter, he continued to raid Changli annually without cease. He also led forces east to attack Fuyu, where King Yilü committed suicide. Hui razed their state city and took over ten thousand people captive. The Eastern Barbarian Colonel He Kan sent Supervisor Jia Shen to escort and establish Yilü's son as king. Hui dispatched his general Sun Ding with cavalry to intercept them. Shen fought fiercely and beheaded Ding, thus restoring the state of Fuyu.

Hui then consulted with his people, saying: "Since my ancestors' time, we have served the Middle Kingdom. Moreover, Chinese and barbarians follow different principles, and there is a natural distinction between the strong and weak. How can we compete with Jin? Why not seek peace instead of harming our people?" He then sent envoys to submit. The Emperor commended this and appointed him Commander of the Xianbei. Hui paid respects to the Eastern Barbarian Prefecture, wearing Chinese attire and observing the etiquette of scholars. He Kan received him with troops in formation, whereupon Hui changed into barbarian clothing before entering. When asked why, Hui replied: "If the host does not observe proper etiquette, why should the guest?" Upon hearing this, He Kan felt ashamed and treated him with increased respect and caution. At this time, the Eastern Hu Yuwen Xianbei and Duan clan, fearing Hui's growing power and influence, frequently conducted raids. Hui responded with humble words and generous gifts to pacify them.

In the tenth year of Taikang (289), Hui relocated again to Mount Qing by the Tu River. As Dajicheng was the ancient site of Emperor Zhuanxu, he moved to settle there in the fourth year of Yuankang (294). He taught his people agriculture and sericulture, and established laws and institutions similar to those of the Upper Kingdom. During the Yongning period, when Yan experienced severe flooding, Hui opened his granaries to provide relief, saving the people of the Youzhou region. When the Son of Heaven heard of this, he commended him and bestowed ceremonial robes.

In early Tai'an, Yuwen Mogui sent his brother Quyun to raid the border cities, while his separate commander Da Suyan attacked and plundered various tribes. Hui personally attacked and defeated them. Enraged, Suyan led 100,000 troops to besiege Jicheng. The people were terrified and lost their will to resist. Hui said: "Though Suyan has gathered troops like dogs, sheep, and ants, his army lacks discipline and order. He is already within my calculations. My lords, you need only fight with all your might and have no cause for worry." He then personally donned armor, rode out to attack them, and greatly defeated Suyan, pursuing them for a hundred li and capturing or beheading over ten thousand men. 

At the beginning of Yongjia, Hui proclaimed himself Great Chanyu of the Xianbei. In Liaodong, Governor Pang Ben killed Eastern Barbarian Colonel Li Zhen due to personal grudges. The frontier Xianbei leaders Su Lian and Mu Jin, using vengeance for Zhen as a pretext but actually intending to cause chaos, attacked and captured various counties, killing and plundering officials and commoners. Governor Yuan Qian suffered repeated defeats, and Colonel Feng Shi fearfully sued for peace. The raids continued for years, causing people to lose their livelihoods, with refugees continuously seeking refuge with Hui.

Hui's son Han said to him: "Among ways to seek hegemony, none surpasses aiding the king. Throughout history, all successful rulers have relied on this principle. Now Lian and Jin are running rampant, the royal army has been defeated, and the common people are being slaughtered - what could be worse? These petty men use Pang Ben as an excuse while actually taking advantage to become bandits. Lord Feng seeks peace by offering to punish Ben, yet the harm only grows deeper. Liaodong has been falling for almost two years, the central plains are in chaos, and the provincial armies repeatedly suffer defeat. Now is the time to aid the king. The Chanyu should display the might of the Nine Campaigns, save those in dire straits, enumerate the crimes of Lian and Jin, and gather righteous forces to punish them. Above, we can restore Liaodong; below, we can absorb these two tribes. This will demonstrate loyalty to the dynasty while bringing benefit to our state. This is the beginning of our grand plan, and will ultimately lead to success among the princes."

Hui followed this advice. That day, he led cavalry to attack Lian and Jin, greatly defeating and beheading them. The two tribes all surrendered. He relocated them to Jicheng, established Liaodong Commandery, and returned.

When Emperor Huai was in distress at Pingyang, Wang Jun, acting on imperial authority, appointed Hui as Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary, Champion General, Grand Commander of the Vanguard, and Great Chanyu, but Hui declined. During the Jianxing period, Emperor Min sent envoys to appoint Hui as General Who Guards the Army and Duke of both Changli and Liaodong. At the beginning of Jianwu, Emperor Yuan, acting on imperial authority, appointed Hui as Bearer of the Insignia, Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary, Commander of Military Affairs for the Various Barbarians and Refugees of Liaozuo, General of Dragon Flight, Great Chanyu, and Duke of Changli, but Hui declined these honors.

General Who Conquers the Barbarians Lu Chang advised Hui: "Now that both capitals have fallen and the Emperor is in distress, Langye's authority in Jiangdong is truly what people's lives depend on. Your Excellency commands the northern regions beyond the sea and controls this entire area, yet various tribes still rely on their numbers to take up arms and have not submitted to civilization, perhaps because your office lacks imperial mandate and they consider themselves strong. Now you should send envoys to Langye, encourage support for the great succession, and then spread imperial orders to attack the guilty. Who would dare not follow!"

Hui approved of this advice and sent his Chief Clerk Wang Ji across the sea to encourage support. When the Emperor [Yuan] ascended to the throne, he sent Ceremonial Officer Tao Liao to reaffirm the previous appointments, conferring upon Hui the titles of General and Chanyu, though Hui firmly declined the ducal enfeoffment.

At this time, with both capitals having fallen and Youzhou and Jizhou having been overrun, Hui maintained clear laws and governance, and humbly welcomed refugees. Many displaced officials and commoners came to him with their families. Hui established commanderies to govern these refugees: people from Jizhou were organized into Jiyang Commandery, those from Yuzhou into Chengzhou Commandery, those from Qingzhou into Yingqiu Commandery, and those from Bingzhou into Tangguo Commandery.

He then selected talented individuals and entrusted them with administrative duties: 

- Pei Yi of Hedong, Lu Chang of Dai Commandery, and Yang Dan of Beiping served as chief strategists

- Feng Xian of Beihai, You Sui of Guangping, Xifang Qian of Beiping, Feng Chou of Bohai, Song Shi of Xihe, and Pei Kai of Hedong served as his chief ministers

- Feng Yi of Bohai, Song Gai of Pingyuan, Huangfu Ji of Anding, and Miao Kai of Lanling were appointed to key positions for their literary talents

- Zhu Zuoche of Kuaiji, Humu Yi of Taishan, and Kong Zuan of Lu State were treated as honored guests for their traditional virtues

- Liu Zan of Pingyuan, being well-versed in Confucian studies, was appointed as Director of the Eastern School, where the heir apparent Huang led noble youths in studying under him

During breaks from governing, Hui personally attended these lectures. As a result, people sang praises on the roads, and courtesy and deference flourished.

At this time, Cui Bi, the Inspector of Pingzhou and Colonel of Eastern Barbarians, considered himself a prominent southern official and hoped to gather followers, but no refugees came to him. Suspecting Hui of detaining them, he secretly allied with Goguryeo and the Yuwen and Duan states, plotting to destroy Hui and divide his territory.

In early Taixing, the three states attacked Hui. Hui said: "They believe Cui Bi's empty words, seeking temporary gain, and come as a loose alliance. Without unified leadership or mutual submission, I will surely defeat them. However, their initial assault will be fierce, and they hope us to fight quickly. If we counter-attack directly, we'll fall into their trap. If we remain calm and wait, they'll grow suspicious of each other. First, they'll suspect I'm conspiring with Bi to destroy them; second, they'll suspect one among their three states has a Han-Wei style plot with me. Once their morale is confused, victory will be certain."

When the three states attacked Jicheng, Hui closed the gates and didn't fight. He sent wine and cattle to entertain the Yuwen forces, loudly announcing: "Cui Bi's envoy arrived yesterday." As expected, the other two states suspected Yuwen of collaborating with Hui and withdrew. Yuwen Xiduguan said: "Though the two states have left, I alone will take their territories - what need have I of others?" He surrounded the city with camps stretching thirty li.

Hui assigned elite troops to Huang to lead the vanguard; Han led elite cavalry as the surprise force to strike from the side directly into their camps; Hui advanced with the main formation. Xiduguan , overconfident in his numbers, failed to take precautions. When Hui's army arrived, he had just begun to organize resistance. As the vanguards engaged, Han had already entered their camps and set them ablaze. Their troops panicked and were thoroughly defeated. Xiduguan barely escaped, and all his troops were captured.

A camp guard then found the Emperor's jade seal with three knobs, which Hui sent to Jianye with Chief Clerk Pei Yi. Fearing Hui's revenge, Cui Bi sent his nephew Tao to falsely congratulate Hui. When envoys from the three states also arrived requesting peace, saying "This wasn't our intention; Inspector Cui instructed us," Hui showed Tao the siege locations and threatened him with troops, saying: "Your uncle instructed the three states to destroy me - why do you come with false congratulations?" Tao, frightened, confessed everything.

Hui then sent Tao back to persuade Bi, saying: "Surrender is the best strategy; fleeing is the worst." He followed with his army. Bi, along with several dozen horsemen, abandoned his family and fled to Goguryeo. Hui accepted the surrender of all Bi's followers, relocated Tao and Gao Zhan and others to Jicheng, and treated them with the courtesy due to guests. The following year, when Goguryeo raided Liaodong, Hui sent troops to attack and defeat them.

When Pei Yi returned from Jianye, the Emperor sent envoys to appoint Hui as Commander of Military Affairs in Pingzhou, General Who Pacifies the North, and Inspector of Pingzhou, increasing his fief by 2,000 households. Soon after, he was further appointed as Envoy of the Imperial Insignia, Commander of Military Affairs for Eastern Barbarians in Youzhou, General of Chariots and Cavalry, and Shepherd of Pingzhou. He was promoted to Duke of Liaodong Commandery with a fief of 10,000 households, while retaining his positions as Attendant-in-Ordinary and Chanyu. He received an iron certificate with vermillion writing, was granted authority over the eastern coastal regions, and was ordered to establish official positions and appoint administrators for Pingzhou.

When Duan Mobo first took control of his state, he failed to maintain proper defenses. Hui sent Huang to launch a surprise attack, entering Lingzhi, where they captured fine horses and valuable treasures before returning.

When Shi Le sent envoys to establish peaceful relations, Hui rejected them and sent their envoys to Jianye. Enraged, Shi Le sent Yuwen Qidegui to attack Hui, but Hui dispatched Huang to resist. He appointed Pei Yi as Commander of the Right Division, with Suo Tou leading the right wing, and ordered his younger son Ren to advance from Pingguo to Bolin as the left wing to attack Qidegui. They defeated him and captured all his troops. Taking advantage of their victory, they captured the state's capital, seizing resources worth hundreds of millions and relocating tens of thousands of households back to their territory.

When Emperor Cheng ascended to the throne, Hui was additionally appointed as Palace Attendant and promoted to the rank of Special Advanced. In the fifth year of Xianhe (330), he was further appointed as Commander of the Palace Forces with Equal Authority as the Three Excellencies, but he firmly declined to accept this position.

Hui once remarked casually: "The law courts hold people's lives in the balance, so we must handle them with utmost care. Worthy and virtuous people are the foundation of the state, so we must treat them with respect. Agriculture is the basis of the nation, so we must give it urgent attention. Wine, sensual pleasures, and flattery are extremely destructive to virtue, so we must guard against them." He then wrote "Family Instructions" containing several thousand words to elaborate on these principles.

He sent an envoy with a letter to Grand Commander Tao Kan, which said:

"To Your Excellency:

You uphold virtue and display authority, pacifying and stabilizing the realm. You devote yourself to both civil and military affairs, keeping soldiers and horses in good condition. I deeply admire and look up to you, and my respect grows ever stronger. The royal road is long and treacherous, and we are separated by vast distances. Whenever I gaze at the river's edge, I crane my neck looking into the distance.

Heaven has sent down hardships, and disasters have come one after another. The old capital could not be defended and became the court of barbarians, forcing the imperial carriage to relocate and seek refuge in Wu and Chu. The Great Jin dynasty, which was established to last for countless generations, has not lost Heaven's mandate, as shown clearly in celestial signs. Thus, righteous and valiant men harbor deep indignation. Despite my meager achievements, I have received special favor from the state. Yet I have failed both to sweep away the Jie barbarians above and to personally face the nation's crisis below. Moreover, treacherous ministers were allowed to repeatedly threaten the imperial capital. Wang Dun initiated calamity first, and Su Jun spread his poison afterward. Their brutality exceeded that of Dong Zhuo, and their wickedness surpassed that of Li Jue and Guo Si. Throughout the realm, who does not share in this anger! I am deeply puzzled that our civil and military officials, who enjoy such imperial honors, have been unable to eliminate the bandits of the Central Plains and wash away the shame of our nation.

You, my lord, have established your base in Jiangyang and shown your brilliance in Jing and Heng. You wield authority like Duke Ye and possess the determination of Bao Xu, yet you have allowed criminals like Bai Gong and Wu Yuan to reach the extremes of their violence - this would make even Qiuming ashamed. Even the likes of Zizhong of the small state of Chu were ashamed when their ruler was weak and the ministers could not match their predecessors. They disciplined themselves and warned others to subdue Chen and Zheng. Even Wen Zhong and Fan Li were able to assist Goujian and achieve victory at Huangchi. How much more so now, when Wu's territory is full of talented people standing shoulder to shoulder - yet they do not support the sage ruler and advance north across the Yangtze.

With righteous proclamations, we should attack the rebellious Jie barbarians, issue commands to rally the warriors of the old states, and recruit those who wish to preserve our foundations. Would this not be as easy as leaves falling with the wind or wheels rolling downhill? Moreover, when the Sun family first rose, they used the forces from Changsha to defeat Dong Zhuo, aiming to support the Han court. Although they encountered setbacks and their noble aspirations were not fulfilled, their original intentions were sincere, even to the point of disregarding their own lives.

When Sun Quan held Yangzhou and Yuezhou, he relied externally on Zhou Yu and Zhang Zhao, internally on Gu Yong and Lu Xun, resisted Wei successfully, and captured Xiangyang. Since then, successive rulers have all been able to pressure Xuzhou and Yuzhou, causing the Wei court to eat their meals late with worry. I don't know if today's talented people in the Jiangnan region are hiding their wisdom and concealing their strategic abilities? Or have the great examples of Lü Meng and Ling Tong been lost to time?

Moreover, now that the violent Jie barbarians are brutal, the people of the Central Plains are under urgent pressure, their situation as precarious as stacked eggs. The enemy's false authority is something the people's hearts have already abandoned - they show weakness that can easily be shaken. Although Wang Lang and Yuan Shu were deceptive, their foundations were shallow and weak, and disaster came swiftly - these are all events that you, my lord, have witnessed.

Minister Wang is pure and has few desires, skilled at self-preservation - in the past, Cao Can also followed this path and was known for his principle of 'maintaining uniformity.' Lord Yu holds the honored position of the emperor's uncle and bears the responsibility like Shen Bo, transcending worldly matters with clear wisdom and discretion. During these times of invasion and trouble, I have received generations of favor from the Great Jin, yet I regret being in a remote region, unable to aid the sacred court, only able to set my heart toward the distant capital and feel indignation when facing the wind.

Today, among all those looked up to within the empire, only you, my lord, have sufficient influence to tip the balance like in the times of Chu and Han. If you would exert all your effort and deploy the forces of the five provinces, occupy the outskirts of Yanzhou and Yuzhou, and cause those inclined toward righteousness to turn their weapons around and lay down their arms, then the Jie bandits would surely be destroyed and our national shame eliminated. In my region, I dare not spare any effort in service. However, advancing alone with a small force is insufficient to make the enemy fear both front and rear attacks, and those loyal subjects who wish to respond from within have no way to act. Therefore, I present these thoughts from afar, though words cannot fully express everything."

Murong Hui's envoy encountered storms and was lost at sea. Afterward, Hui rewrote his previous letter and sent it along with memorials from over thirty officials, including Feng Chou, the Colonel of Eastern Barbarians, and Han Jiao, the Acting Minister of Liaodong, to Tao Kan's office, saying:

"Throughout history, few nations and families have not experienced decline after reaching their peak. Since the Great Jin dynasty's rise to power, it conquered Mount Hun and Hui, with military prowess surpassing historical records. However, at the end of Emperor Hui's reign, court factions created difficulties, disaster struck the capital region, and rifts formed within the imperial clan. This allowed the Jie bandits to exploit the weakness, overthrowing the Central Plains. The old capital fell into ruin, imperial tombs were desecrated, causing both humans and spirits to grieve and both the living and deceased to feel outrage. In the past, even when the Xianyun were strong and the Xiongnu were at their peak, none were as brutal as today's Jie bandits, who trample across Chinese territory and falsely claim imperial titles.

Heaven has blessed the Jin dynasty and bestowed it with outstanding talents. The General of Cavalry and Chariots, Murong Hui, has governed his state since his youth, remaining loyal to the royal house. He is wise, trustworthy, respectful, and solemn, with aspirations to establish merit. When the empire fragmented and the imperial court relocated, Emperor Yuan initiated the restoration and Emperor Su continued the lineage, pacifying the regions beyond the Yangtze. Although Hui is separated by mountains and seas, and cut off by the Jie bandits, he constantly looks toward the capital with his heart set on it, losing sleep with concerns for the state rather than himself. Tributes have been sent continuously, with ships filling the routes, and military campaigns have never ceased, always serving righteous causes.

Now the Jie bandits' evil reaches to the heavens, relying on their barbaric kind, establishing bases in Zhao and Wei, and extending their control over Yan and Qi. Although Hui leads righteous forces to punish these great rebels, even when Guan Zhong served Qi, he said that his honors were insufficient to command his subordinates. How much more so for Hui, who supports the royal house and has achievements worthy of a hegemon, yet holds a low position and light rank, not yet receiving the Nine Honors? This is not the way to show special favor to frontier nobles and encourage extraordinary merit.

Currently, imperial edicts are cut off and the royal road is dangerous and distant, with tribute missions taking years to complete their journeys. Now the old territory of Yan - bounded by the desert in the north, reaching Lelang in the east, extending to Mount Dai in the west, and stretching to Ji region in the south - has all fallen under barbarian control and is no longer part of the imperial domain. The officials and commanders believe we should follow the precedent of the Zhou Dynasty and the early Han period by promoting Hui to King of Yan and appointing him as Grand General. This would allow him to command all divisions from above and reduce enemy territory from below, causing the people of Jizhou to submit upon hearing of it. If Hui could receive such imperial orders, he could lead various states, oppose the barbarians, and achieve accomplishments like those of Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin. If it benefits the state, this authority can be granted exclusively.

However, Hui has remained firmly modest and maintained his integrity at an even higher level. Whenever honors were bestowed by imperial edict, he would decline them for years, and we officials cannot force him to accept. What we present here is not merely to seek elevation of status; rather, our sincere thoughts are truly for the nation's strategy."

Tao Kan replied to Feng Chou and others, saying in essence: "The General of Cavalry and Chariots has put the state before himself, sending continuous tributes. When the Jie bandits sought peace, he detained and sent their envoys. He campaigned westward against the Duan state, northward beyond the frontier, pacified the distant Suotou, and presented tributes from remote regions. Only the northern regions remain unsubmitted, against which he has repeatedly sent campaigns. I also understand that regarding official titles in the east, ranks are equal at all levels, with neither authority to command others when advancing nor proper hierarchical distinctions when retreating. The proposal to promote the General to King of Yan has been fully explained. Advancing rank based on merit is an ancient system. Although the General has not yet been able to enforce official authority, his loyalty and righteousness are complete. Now that this memorial has been submitted for imperial consideration, whether fast or slow, it should await heaven's decision."

The court discussions were not concluded. In the eighth year (333), Hui passed away, and the matter was dropped. He was sixty-five years old and had ruled for forty-nine years. The Emperor sent envoys to posthumously bestow upon him the titles of Grand General and Palace Attendant with Equal Authority of the Three Excellencies, with the posthumous title of Xiang. When Jun later usurped the throne, he falsely bestowed the posthumous title of Emperor Wuxuan.

Biography of Pei Yi

Pei Yi, courtesy name Wenji, was from Wenxi in Hedong. His father Chang served as the Colonel Director of Retainers. Yi was upright and capable, and was progressively promoted to Gentleman of the Imperial Secretariat, then to Gentleman Attendant at the Yellow Gates, and Governor of Xingyang.

When chaos engulfed the realm, Yi's elder brother Wu was serving as Governor of Xuantu. Yi then requested to become the Governor of Changli. After serving in the commandery for some time, Wu died, and Yi was summoned back. He then accompanied Wu's son Kai to escort the funeral procession south. When they reached Liaoxi, they found the roads blocked, so they sought refuge with Murong Hui.

At that time, many displaced scholars who saw Murong Hui's emerging power were uncertain whether to stay or leave. Yi was the first to establish proper relations with Hui, setting an example for other scholars to follow. Hui was very pleased and appointed Yi as Chief Clerk, entrusting him with military and state affairs.

When Xiduguan's bandits approached and besieged the city, causing unrest both inside and outside, Hui sought counsel from Yi. Yi said: "Although Xiduguan commands a large force, his army lacks discipline and his troops have no formation. If we select elite soldiers and strike while they are unprepared, we can capture them easily." Hui followed this advice and successfully raided the enemy camp. This greatly enhanced Hui's prestige and authority. When he wanted to send envoys to Jianye to report this victory, he carefully selected his messenger and ordered Yi to carry out this diplomatic mission.

Initially, the court regarded Hui as merely a frontier chieftain due to his remote location. When Yi arrived as envoy, he eloquently described Hui's military prowess and noted how talented individuals from across the realm were serving under him. This changed the court's entire perspective.

When Yi was about to return, the Emperor tried to retain him to test his loyalty. Yi declined, saying: "I and my family have long enjoyed imperial favor and served in the central government. Due to circumstances, I found myself in distant lands. Now that I have the fortune to see the court and receive gracious orders to stay in the capital, this would indeed be a great personal honor. However, considering that the imperial residence has been displaced and the imperial tombs dishonored, General Murong Hui, though far away, remains devoted to the royal house with a sincerity that moves heaven and earth. He is preparing to pacify the central plains and welcome back the imperial carriage, which is why he sent an envoy thousands of miles to demonstrate his loyalty. If you retain me now, he might think the court looks down upon him in his remote location and doubts his sincere heart, causing his righteous spirit to waver. Therefore, I, your humble servant, forget myself for the state's sake and wish to return to deliver my report."

The Emperor said, "Your words are right," and sent Yi back.

Later, Hui told his officials, "Chief Clerk Pei's reputation carries weight in the central court, yet he humbled himself to serve here - isn't this heaven's gift to me?" Yi was later appointed Minister of Liaodong and then Governor of Lelang.

Biography of Gao Zhan

Gao Zhan, courtesy name Ziqian, was from Tiao in Bohai. From a young age, he showed exceptional talent and intelligence, and grew to be eight chi and two cun tall. During the Guangxi period, he was appointed as Gentleman of the Imperial Secretariat. When the Yongjia chaos broke out, he returned to his hometown and discussed with the elders, saying: "Now that imperial authority is weak and warfare spreads everywhere, this commandery with its fertile land and natural defenses of rivers and seas will surely become a target for bandits during times of war and famine. This is not a place to seek safety. Wang Pengzu is already established in You and Ji, controlling the resources of Yan and Dai, with strong military and rich state - we can rely on him. What do you all think of this?" Everyone agreed with his proposal.

He then led several thousand households to migrate north to Youzhou with his uncle Yin. Later, finding Wang Jun's governance inconsistent, he sought refuge with Cui Bi and followed him to Liaodong.

When Cui Bi plotted with the three states to attack Murong Hui, Zhan strongly advised against it, but Bi did not listen. After Bi's defeat, Zhan surrendered to Hui along with others. Hui appointed him as a general, but Zhan claimed illness and declined to serve.

Hui, respecting Zhan's character and bearing, visited him frequently to comfort him, saying: "Your illness lies here [in your heart], not elsewhere. Now that the Son of Heaven has been displaced, the Four Seas are falling apart, and the common people are in chaos, not knowing where to turn. I wish to work with you gentlemen to restore the imperial house, eliminate the oppressors from the two capitals, escort the Emperor back from Wu and Hui, pacify all directions, and achieve merits comparable to the ancient heroes. This is my heart's desire and my wish. You are from a great clan of the Central Plains and of noble status - you should be deeply concerned and sleep on your weapon waiting for the dawn. Why do you harbor reservations about the distinction between Chinese and barbarians? Besides, the Great Yu came from the Western Qiang, and King Wen was born among the Eastern Yi. One should only consider a person's ambition and strategy - how can different customs be a reason to withhold one's loyalty?"

Zhan continued to claim serious illness, which greatly displeased Hui. Moreover, Zhan had a conflict with Song Gai, who secretly urged Hui to eliminate him. When Zhan heard of this, he became increasingly uneasy and eventually died of anxiety.

[linjunjian]

Translation Project Update: Liu Cong & Liu Yao

Finally completed translating the biographies of Liu Cong and Liu Yao!

Liu Cong and Liu Yao - rulers of the Han-Zhao state - represent a unique period when nomadic peoples adopted Chinese governmental systems while maintaining their military traditions. Their stories offer invaluable insights into the complex cultural interactions during the Sixteen Kingdoms period.

Next up: Almost done with the Murong family chapters!

Link:

[linjunjian]

On the Relocation of Barbarians[1]

Jiang Tong (? – 310)

The Yi, Man, Rong, and Di, collectively known as the Four Barbarians, were traditionally confined to the outermost regions of the Nine Provinces. The Spring and Autumn Annals decree that the Chinese should be embraced within, while the barbarians are to be kept without. This distinction arises from their unintelligible speech, disparate forms of tribute, alien customs, and divergent lineages. Some dwell beyond the farthest reaches of civilization, across mountains and rivers, in treacherous valleys and perilous terrain, separated from the Middle Kingdom by natural barriers. They neither encroach upon our lands nor fall under our jurisdiction. Neither taxes nor the imperial calendar extend to their domains. Thus, it is said, "When the Son of Heaven governs in accordance with the Way, the Four Barbarians guard the frontiers."

When Yu brought order to the Nine Regions, even the Western Rong paid homage. Yet the nature of these barbarians is avaricious and ruthless, with the Rong and Di being the most savage among them. When weak, they cower in submission; when strong, they rebel and invade. Even in ages blessed with sage rulers and sovereigns of great virtue, none have succeeded in fully civilizing or guiding them through benevolence and moral suasion.

In times of their ascendancy, even Gaozong of Yin[2] was vexed by the Guifang,[3] King Wen of Zhou was troubled by the Kunyi and Xianyun,[4] Gaozu was besieged at Baideng,[5] and Xiaowen[6] was forced to take up arms at Bashang. Conversely, during their decline, the Duke of Zhou received tribute from the farthest lands,[7] Zhongzong[8] welcomed the Chanyu to court, and even under the feeble reigns of emperors Yuan[9] and Cheng,[10] the Four Barbarians still came to pay homage. Such are the lessons of history.

Hence, when the Xiongnu sought to guard the frontier, Hou Ying advised against it; when the Chanyu knelt at Weiyang Palace, Wangzhi[11] counseled against accepting his subservience. Thus, enlightened rulers manage barbarian affairs by maintaining vigilance and exercising consistent control. Even when these tribes prostrate themselves and offer tribute, the border defenses must not be relaxed. When they turn to banditry and violence, there is no need for far-reaching military campaigns. The goal is simply to ensure peace within our borders and prevent their encroachment upon our frontiers.

As the Zhou dynasty lost its authority, the feudal lords waged wars at will, the strong consuming the weak in a cycle of mutual destruction. Borders became unstable, and interests diverged. The barbarians seized this opportunity to infiltrate China. Some were enticed and pacified, becoming tools for various factions. For example, the calamity of Shen and Zeng toppled the Zhou royal house,[12] and Duke Xiang's alliance with the Jiang Rong against Qin suddenly empowered them.[13]

During the Spring and Autumn period, the Yiqu[14] and Dali[15] tribes occupied the lands of Qin and Jin, while the Luhun[16] and Yin Rong dwelt between the Yi and Luo rivers. The Souman[17] tribes ravaged the east of Ji, encroaching upon Qi and Song, and oppressing Xing and Wei. Southern Yi and Northern Di alternately invaded China, their incursions as unceasing as a thread. Duke Huan of Qi repelled them, preserving the endangered states and reviving defunct ones. He campaigned north against the Mountain Rong, opening the road to Yan. Thus, Confucius praised Guan Zhong's strength and commended his achievement in civilizing the barbarians.

By the end of the Spring and Autumn period, as the Warring States era flourished, Chu absorbed the Man tribes, Jin annihilated the Luhun, Wu of Zhao adopted Hu attire and opened up the Yuzhong region, while Qin, dominant in Xianyang, exterminated the Yiqu and their ilk. When the First Emperor unified All Under Heaven, he incorporated the Hundred Yue in the south and drove away the Xiongnu in the north. The Great Wall stretched across five mountain ranges, with millions of troops stationed. Though military service was burdensome and bandits ran rampant, the accomplishments of a single generation saw the barbarians fleeing in retreat. At that time, the Four Barbarians no longer existed within China proper.

The rise of Han saw its capital established in Chang'an, with the commanderies within the passes known as the Three Adjuncts - the ancient Yu Gong's Yongzhou,[18] the old territory of the Zhou's Feng and Hao. After Wang Mang's defeat and the subsequent Red Eyebrows Rebellion, the western capital lay in ruins, its people scattered. During the Jianwu era (25 - 56), Ma Yuan[19] was appointed Administrator of Longxi to suppress the rebellious Qiang. Their remnants were relocated to the empty lands of Pingyi and Hedong within the passes, intermingling with the Han people. After several years, their population flourished. Emboldened by their strength and resenting Han encroachment, they rebelled.

In the first year of Yongchu (107), Cavalry Commander Wang Hong[20] was dispatched to the Western Regions, conscripting Qiang and Di troops as escorts. This sparked panic among the Qiang tribes, inciting each other to revolt. The barbarians of two provinces rose simultaneously, overwhelming officials and massacring cities. Deng Zhi's campaign ended in the abandonment of armor and weapons, with corpses piled high and armies destroyed.[21] As successive expeditions failed, the barbarians grew ever bolder, penetrating south into Shu and Han, plundering east into Zhao and Wei, breaching the Zhi Pass, and invading Henei.

When Northern Army Commander Zhu Chong was sent with five battalions to confront the Qiang at Mengjin, a decade of conflict ensued, with both Chinese and barbarians suffering heavy losses. Ren Shang[22] and Ma Xian[23] barely managed to subdue them. The reason for this prolonged and severe devastation, while partly due to incompetent governance and inadequate military leadership, was it not also because the enemy struck at our very heart, the harm arising from within? Like a grave illness difficult to cure, or a great wound slow to heal!

From that time on, the embers of conflict were never fully extinguished. At the slightest opportunity, the barbarians would renew their invasions and rebellions. Ma Xian's efforts ended in disaster, while Duan Jiong's campaigns swept from west to east.[24] The barbarians of Yongzhou remained a constant threat to the state, becoming the greatest menace of the middle period. As the Han dynasty crumbled, Guanzhong was devastated.

In the early days of Wei's ascendancy, with Shu now separated, the frontier barbarians were divided between the two states. Emperor Wu of Wei ordered General Xiahou Miaocai[25] to suppress the rebellious Di tribes led by Agui and Qianwan. Later, after abandoning Hanzhong, he relocated the tribes of Wudu to the Qin plains, hoping to weaken the enemy and strengthen the state, while defending against the Shu forces. This was merely an expedient measure, a temporary strategy, not a policy beneficial for ten thousand generations. Now, as we face the consequences, we already suffer from its ill effects.

Guanzhong boasts rich soil and abundant resources, with fields of the highest quality. The Jing and Wei rivers irrigate its alkaline lands, while the Zhengguo and Bai canals[26] form an interconnected irrigation network. The bounty of millet and sorghum yields a full zhong (vessel) per mu, with commoners singing praises of its prosperity. Emperors and kings have always chosen to make their capital here. Never was it meant to be a land for barbarians. Those not of our kind must surely harbor different intentions. The ambitions of the barbarians do not align with those of the Chinese.

Yet, taking advantage of their weakness, we relocated them to the imperial domain. Our gentry and common folk grew complacent, scorning their perceived frailty, unknowingly nurturing a poison of resentment in their very marrow. As their numbers grew and strength increased, so did their ambitions. With their greedy and fierce nature, coupled with pent-up anger, they watch for any opening to commit treachery. Dwelling within our borders without the barrier of frontier defenses, they can easily overwhelm the unprepared and gather resources from the countryside. Thus, they are able to wreak havoc and inflict immeasurable harm. This is an inevitable outcome, a lesson already learned through bitter experience.

The appropriate course of action now, while our military might is at its peak and before other matters arise, is to relocate the Qiang tribes from within the borders of Pingyi, Beidi, Xinping, and Anding to the lands of Xianling, Hankai, and Xizhi. We should also move the Di people from Fufeng, Shiping, and Jingzhao back to the right side of Long Mountain, settling them in the regions of Yinping and Wudu. We must provide rations for their journey, ensuring they have enough to sustain themselves. Each tribe should be returned to their original lands and ancestral territories, with the tributary states and pacified barbarians assisting in their resettlement.

By separating the Rong and Jin peoples, each will find their proper place. This aligns with the ancient principle and establishes a lasting policy for our prosperous age. Even if they harbor intentions to deceive China or raise alarms of conflict, they will be far removed from the Middle Kingdom, separated by mountains and rivers. Though they may still raid and plunder, the extent of their harm will be limited.

This is why Chongguo[27] and Ziming[28] were able to control the fate of numerous Qiang tribes with just tens of thousands of troops, achieving victory without battle and succeeding with their armies intact. Although they had deep strategies and far-reaching plans for victory, was it not because the Chinese and barbarians were kept separate, distinctions maintained between civilized and uncivilized, and strategic passes were easy to defend, that they were able to achieve such success?

The Critic's Challenge:

“At present, Guanzhong has endured two years of violent upheaval. The burden of military campaigns has exhausted our forces of a hundred thousand. Floods and droughts have brought successive famines, while plagues have caused widespread death and suffering. The rebels have been executed, and those who regret their misdeeds are beginning to submit. They approach cautiously, filled with fear and trepidation. The common people are weary and distressed, united in their concerns. They long for peace as parched earth yearns for rain. Surely, we should pacify them with tranquility. Yet you propose to mobilize labor, embark on grand projects, and relocate these suspicious barbarians with our exhausted populace? To move hungry people and starving prisoners? I fear our strength will be depleted, our efforts unfinished. The Qiang and Rong will scatter, their loyalties divided. Before the current threat is quelled, new perils will arise.”

The Response:

“The Qiang and Rong are cunning, self-appointed in their titles. They have besieged cities, fought in open fields, harmed our officials, and amassed armies through winters and summers. Now their disparate groups have crumbled, their unified front collapsed. The old and young are captive, while able-bodied men have surrendered or dispersed. They are as scattered as birds and beasts, incapable of reuniting.

Do you believe they still have resources, or that they regret their evils and wish to submit to our benevolence? Or have they reached the end of their strength and wisdom, fearing our military might? Clearly, they are utterly spent. Thus, we can dictate their fate, controlling their every move.

Those content with their lot do not easily change; those satisfied with their dwellings harbor no desire to relocate. While they doubt themselves and fear us, we can use our military prowess to ensure their compliance. As they are scattered and disorganized, each household an enemy to the people of Guanzhong, we can relocate them to distant lands, severing their attachment to this soil.

The plans of sages and wise men address issues before they arise and bring order before chaos ensues. Their methods achieve peace without notoriety, their virtue succeeds without fanfare. The next best approach is to turn calamity into fortune, failure into success, to overcome difficulties and find passage through obstruction. You now face the end of a flawed policy yet fail to envision a new beginning. You cling to the toil of a misguided path, inviting further disaster. Why is this?

Guanzhong houses over a million souls, half of whom are barbarians. Whether they stay or leave, provisions are necessary. If there are those who lack food, we must use the granaries of Guanzhong to sustain them, preventing both starvation and the temptation to plunder. By relocating them with provisions for the journey, allowing them to reunite with their tribes and support each other, the people of Qin will retain half their grain. This strategy feeds those who depart, leaves stores for those who remain, eases the pressure in Guanzhong, removes the root of banditry, eliminates immediate losses, and establishes long-term benefits.

To shirk from temporary exertion and forsake a strategy of lasting peace, to begrudge present hardships and ignore the threat of generational enemies – this is not the way of those who can innovate and accomplish great deeds, who establish legacies and lay foundations for posterity.

The barbarians of Bingzhou were originally the most vicious bandits among the Xiongnu. During the reign of Emperor Xuan of Han, they were decimated by cold and hunger, their nation split into five factions, later consolidating into two. Huhanye,[29] weakened and isolated, unable to sustain himself, sought refuge at the frontier, submitting to Han rule. During the Jianwu era, the Southern Chanyu again came to surrender, and was allowed to settle within the frontier, south of the desert. After several generations, they repeatedly rebelled, leading to numerous military campaigns by He Xi[30] and Liang Qin.[31]

In the Zhongping era, when the Yellow Turban Rebellion erupted, their troops were conscripted, but their people refused to comply and killed their Qiangqu. Consequently, Yumifuluo sought Han assistance to suppress the rebels. Amidst the ensuing chaos, they seized the opportunity to pillage Zhao and Wei, with their raids reaching Henan. During the Jian'an period, the Right Wise Prince Qubei was sent to entice Huchuquan to surrender, allowing his tribes to disperse and settle in six commanderies. By the Xianxi era, as one tribe had grown too powerful, it was divided into three groups. At the beginning of the Taishi era, this was further increased to four. Subsequently, Liu Meng rebelled internally, colluding with external barbarians. Recently, Hao San's rebellion erupted in Guyuan.[32] Today, the population of the five tribes numbers tens of thousands of households, surpassing that of the Western Rong. Their innate bravery and skill with bow and horse exceed even that of the Di and Qiang. Should there be any unforeseen turmoil, the Bingzhou region would be cause for great concern.

The Gouli people of Xingyang originally dwelt beyond the frontier of Liaodong. During the Zhengshi era (240 – 249), when Youzhou Inspector Guanqiu Jian[33] suppressed their rebellion, he relocated their remaining tribes. Initially numbering only a hundred households, their descendants have now multiplied to thousands. After several generations, they will surely become numerous and prosperous. Today, even when common people neglect their duties, they may flee or rebel; when dogs and horses are well-fed, they may bite. How much more so might barbarians cause upheaval! We are only spared because their power is still weak and their influence limited.

In governing a state, the worry is not poverty but inequality, not scarcity but instability. With the vastness of the Four Seas and the wealth of our people, why should we need barbarians within our borders to suffice? These groups should all be instructed and dispatched back to their original domains, soothing their homesickness as sojourners and alleviating our Huaxia people's concerns. To bestow kindness upon the Middle Kingdom and thereby pacify the four quarters, to extend virtue for generations to come - this is the wisest course of action.”

[1] On the Relocation of Barbarians is a political treatise written by Jiang Tong in 299 after the rebellion of Qi Wannian. Jiang Tong proposed that the Hu peoples should be relocated, but the Western Jin court, then under the regency of Jia Nanfeng, did not adopt his recommendations. Five years later, the Sixteen Kingdoms period began.

[2] Wu Ding (? – 1192 BCE) was a king of the Shang dynasty. In classical Chinese historiography, he is often depicted as a meritorious king who appears with worthy officials. He conquered and annexed Guifang, turning its people into his supporters in expeditions against other enemies.

[3] Guifang (鬼方) was an ancient ethnonym for a people that fought against the Shang dynasty. This Chinese exonym combines gui (lit. ghost, spirit, devil) and fang (lit. side, border, country, region), referring to "non-Shang or enemy countries that existed in and beyond the borders of the Shang polity."

[4] The Kunyi (昆夷), also known as Quanrong (犬戎), were an ethnic group active in the northwestern part of Shaanxi during and after the Zhou dynasty. They were classified as the Western Yi and a member of the Guifang during the Shang dynasty and as Western Rong during the Zhou dynasty. They were regarded as one of the ancestors of the Xiongnu people. Scholars believe Quanrong was a later name for the Xianyun (猃狁).

[5] The Battle of Baideng was a military conflict between Han China and the Xiongnu in 200 BC. The vanguard of Han troops was trapped in the fort with Emperor Gaozu of Han, Liu Bang.

[6] Emperor Wen of Han (203 – 157 BCE), personal name Liu Heng, was the fifth emperor of the Han dynasty from 180 until his death. He continued the heqin policy by giving the Xiongnu Chanyu a prince's daughter in marriage, while placing Liu Li in Bashang against potential Xiongnu attack.

[7] The original term is "九译之贡". "九译" (jiǔ yì) literally means "nine interpreters" or "nine translations." This term was often used hyperbolically to represent multiple layers of translation needed for communication with distant peoples or tribes.

[8] Emperor Xuan of Han (91 – 48 BCE), temple name Zhongzong, was the tenth emperor of the Han dynasty, reigning from 74 to 48 BCE. During his reign, the Han dynasty prospered economically and militarily became a regional superpower, and was considered by many to be the peak period of the entire Han history.

[9] Emperor Yuan of Han (75 – 33 BCE) was the eldest son and successor of Emperor Xuan of the Han dynasty. He reigned from 48 to 33 BCE. Emperor Yuan promoted Confucianism as the official creed of the Chinese government. He appointed adherents of Confucius to important government posts. In 33 BCE, he sent Wang Zhaojun to marry Chanyu Huhanye of the Xiongnu Empire in order to establish friendly relations through marriage. (heqin)

[10] Emperor Cheng of Han (51 – 7 BCE) was the son and successor of Emperor Yuan. He reigned from 33 to 7 BCE. Under his rule, the Han dynasty continued its growing disintegration as the emperor's maternal relatives from the Wang clan increased their grip on power. Emperor Cheng died childless. Both of his sons and their mothers were killed by the order of his favorite consort Zhao Hede. He was succeeded by his nephew, Emperor Ai, whose death was followed by Wang Mang's rise to power.

[11] Hou Ying and Xiao Wangzhi (? – 46 BCE) were both officials of the Han dynasty.

[12] The Marquess of Shen (d. 771 BCE) was a Qiang ruler of the ancient state of Shen during the Zhou dynasty. It was an important vassal state responsible for guarding the Guanzhong region against Western Rong incursions. One of the Marquess's daughters was married to King You as his queen, and gave birth to Crown Prince Yijiu, but another consort named Bao Si gained the favor of the king, who wanted to depose the queen and the crown prince in favor of her son Bofu. Furious, the Marquess allied with the Zeng state and Quanrong to attack the Zhou capital Haojing in 771 BCE. King You was defeated and killed, and Haojing was sacked by Quanrong.

[13] Duke Xiang of Jin was from 627 to 621 BCE the ruler of the State of Jin, a major power during the Spring and Autumn period. In 627 BCE, he allied with the Jiang Rong and launched a surprise attack against Qin at the Battle of Yao. They annihilated the Qin army and captured three Qin generals. After the battle, the power of Qin had been checked for a long period.

[14] Yiqu (義渠) was an ancient state which existed in the Hetao region (now Ningxia, eastern Gansu and northern Shannxi). It was a rival of the state of Qin. It was inhabited by a semi-sinicized people called the Rong of Yiqu, who were regarded as a branch of western Rong people.

[15] Dali (大荔) was an ancient state founded by a branch of the Western Rong people which existed in what is now Dali County, Shaanxi. In 461 BCE, Qin annexed Dali.

[16] Luhun (陆浑) was a tribal state founded by a branch of the Rong of Yun surname. They inhabited the northwestern regions of the states Qin and Jin and later became a vassal of Jin. In 525 BCE, Jin annexed Luhun. Scholars believe Yin Rong (阴戎) was an alternative name for Luhun.

[17] Souman (鄋瞒) was a branch of the Di people. Its capital is in present-day Gaoqing County in Zibo, Shandong. In 594 BCE, Jin conquered Souman.

[18] The Yu Gong or Tribute of Yu (禹贡) is a chapter of the Book of Xia, section of the Book of Documents, one of the Five Classics of ancient Chinese literature. This chapter describes Yu the Great and the provinces of his time. Yong Province or Yongzhou was the name of various regions and provinces in ancient China, usually around the Wei River or the imperial capital. It was one of the legendary Nine Provinces of China's prehistoric antiquity.

[19] Ma Yuan (馬援, 14 BCE – 49) was a general and politician of the Eastern Han dynasty. He played a prominent role in defeating the Trung sisters' rebellion. He also subjugated the Qiang and made possible a restoration of Chinese positions on the old frontiers.

[20] Wang Hong (王弘, ? – ?) was an official and uncle to Emperor Cheng of the Western Han dynasty.

[21] Deng Zhi (邓骘, ? – 121) was a general during the Eastern Han dynasty. His forces was routed by the Western Qiang in 107.

[22] Ren Shang (任尚, ? – 118) was a general during the Eastern Han dynasty. He defeated multiple Northern Xiongnu and Qiang forces during his tenure. In 118, he was executed due to his rivalry with Deng Zun over military achievements, falsely reporting the number of Qiang people killed, and accepting bribes.

[23] Ma Xian (马贤, ? – 141) was a general and official during the Eastern Han dynasty. During his tenure as Protector General of the Qiang (护羌校尉), his multiple victories against various Qiang tribes were crucial in maintaining order in Longyou and Liangzhou regions. In 141, he and his sons were killed in battle against the Qiedong tribe of the Qiang.

[24] Duan Jiong (段颎, ? – 179) was a general during the Eastern Han dynasty. He was a member of the powerful Duan family of Wuwei Commandery. He defeated multiple Qiang rebel forces during his tenure.

[25] Xiahou Yuan (夏侯渊, ? – 219), courtesy name Miaocai, was a general and politician serving under the warlord Cao Cao in the late Eastern Han dynasty. He is known for his exploits in western China in the 210s, during which he defeated Cao Cao's rivals Ma Chao and Han Sui in Liang Province and forced several Di and Qiang tribal peoples into submission.

[26] The Zhengguo Canal, named after its designer, Zheng Guo, is one of the biggest water conservation projects in ancient China. The canal irrigates the Guanzhong plain and connects the Jing River and Luo River, northern tributaries of the Wei River. The Bai Canal was designed by Bai Gong in 95 BCE and was often mentioned together with Zhenguo Canal as “Zhengbai Canal.”

[27] Zhao Chongguo (赵充国, 137 – 52 BCE) was a general of the Western Han dynasty. He was known for his adoption of the tuntian policy during his pacification of the Western Qiang people.

[28] Lü Meng (吕蒙, 178 – 220), courtesy name Ziming, was a military general and politician who served under the warlord Sun Quan during the late Eastern Han dynasty.

[29] Huhanye (呼韓邪) was a Chanyu of the Xiongnu Empire. He rebelled in 59 BCE, leaving the Xiongnu torn apart by factional strife. After his defeat, he fled south and submitted to the Han dynasty. He travelled to Chang'an to visit Emperor Xuan, who allowed his tribe to settle in the Yinshan area.

[30] He Xi (何熙, ? – 110) was a general of the Eastern Han dynasty. In 109, he defeated the Southern Xiongnu Aojian Rizhu Prince at Meiji. Shortly after his death in 110, the Southern Xiongnu surrendered.

[31] Liang Qin (梁慬, ? – 112) was a famous general of the Eastern Han dynasty. In 110, forces of Xiongnu, Wuhuan and Xianbei invaded Wuyuan. Liang Qin was sent with He Xi to fight them.

[32] Hao San (郝散, ? – 294) was a Xiongnu rebel leader who was killed in 294. In 296, his brother Hao Duyuan joined Qi Wannian’s rebellion.

[33] Guanqiu Jian (毌丘儉, ? – 255) was a general and politician of the state of Cao Wei during the Three Kingdoms period. In 244, Guanqiu Jian led a punitive expedition to Goguryeo (Gouli). He defeated the Goguryeo army and captured the its capital Hwando. During the follow-up campaign in the next year, he conquered Hwando again and forced its King to flee.

[linjunjian]

The Siege of Xuyi (451)

[Excerpt from WS074]

The barbarians launched an invasion into Xu and Yu. Tuoba Tao (408-452) led a mighty force of hundreds of thousands toward Pengcheng. Zang Zhi (400-454) was appointed General who Assists the State and Bearer of the Seal, with authority to appoint his deputies. Leading a contingent of ten thousand men, Zhi marched north to intercept the invaders. By the time he reached Xuyi, Tao had already crossed the Huai River. Hu Chongzhi, Chief Officer of the Palace Guards, was appointed marshal of Zhi’s headquarters. Mao Xizuo, the Crown Prince’s General of the Massed Crossbows and Chongzhi’s deputy, also received orders from Zhi. A high mountain stood east of Xuyi city, and fearing the barbarians would seize this strategic point, Zhi ordered Chongzhi and his forces to fortify the mountain while he established his own camp south of the city.

The barbarians soon launched an assault on Chongzhi and Chengzhi's camps. Despite their valiant resistance, Chongzhi and his men were overwhelmed, their forces scattered, and Chongzhi himself was killed. The barbarians then turned on Xizuo. Commanding elite troops from the northern quarters, Xizuo fought fiercely, while Banner Leader Li Guan rallied the soldiers, cutting down many enemies. Squad Leader Zhou Yinzhi and External Supervisor Yang Fangsheng led archers in a coordinated counterattack. As the enemy prepared to retreat, Xizuo was mortally wounded, causing his forces to fall into disarray. Zang Zhi, hesitant to engage in a rescue, allowed both camps to collapse, sealing the fate of his own forces.

[A short introduction of Chongzhi, Chengzhi and Xizuo.]

After the defeat of the three camps, Zhi's forces fled under the cover of night, abandoning their heavy equipment and armor. Only seven hundred men managed to retreat to Xuyi. Administrator Shen Pu had already fortified the city with three thousand well-prepared soldiers, a sight that greatly pleased Zhi, and together they mounted a defense. The barbarians, having marched south and now low on supplies, had been relying on local resources. After crossing the Huai River, they consumed the grain stored at the Pingyue and Shibie garrisons. However, both their men and horses were now starving and exhausted. Upon hearing that Xuyi had stored grain, they targeted the city as a critical supply point for their return north. Despite their victory over Chongzhi, their initial attack on the city failed due to its robust defenses. Frustrated, they moved further south.

In the early first month of the twenty-eighth year [of Yuanjia] (February 17 to March 17, 451), Tao launched a full-scale assault on Xuyi after returning north from Guangling. Tao demanded wine from Zhi, who sent him urine instead. Enraged, Tao ordered the construction of a siege wall overnight, opening an attack route towards the city's northeast. Using soil and stones from the eastern mountain, his forces filled in the path. Concerned that the defenders might escape via the waterways, the barbarians brought large ships and constructed a floating bridge at Mount Jun, effectively blocking the Huai River. In response, the defenders launched a counterattack from their ships, achieving a decisive victory. However, the following morning, the invaders returned, using square boats as rafts, each one protected by soldiers. Although the defenders attacked again, they were unable to stop the invaders from establishing the raft at Mount Jun, successfully cutting off both land and water routes.

Tao wrote to Zhi:

"The soldiers I’ve sent to fight are not from our own people. The northeast of the city is held by Dingling and Hu, while the south by the Di and Qiang from the Three Qin region. If the Dingling die, it will reduce the bandits in Changshan and Zhao Commandery; if the Hu die, it will reduce the bandits of Bing Province; and if the Di and Qiang die, it will reduce the bandits within the Passes. Should you kill the Dingling and Hu, it will only bring us advantage."

Zhi replied:

"I have read your letter and fully grasped your treacherous intentions. You rely on your four-legged beasts and have repeatedly trespassed the borders of the state. Your offenses are too numerous to recount in detail. Wang Xuanmo retreated east, and Liang Tan scattered to the west. Have you not heard the children's song that says: ‘The enemy's horses drink from the river, and Büri (Tao’s Xianbei name) will die in the year of Mao’? Though that time has not yet arrived, the two armies are already paving the way for your horses to reach the river. This is fate at work, beyond human control. I have received the mandate to annihilate you, and the time for your defeat is set at Baideng. My army has hardly begun its march, yet you are already rushing toward death. How could I possibly let you live to enjoy the spoils at the Sanggan River?

If you attack this city, even if I cannot kill you directly, you will die because of me. Should you be fortunate, you may fall at the hands of your own chaotic troops. Should you be unfortunate, you will be captured alive, bound to a donkey, and paraded to the marketplace. I have no desire for my own survival. If heaven and earth abandon their divine spirits, and I am ultimately overpowered by you, even being ground into powder, slaughtered, and torn apart would not suffice as repayment to my homeland.

Your intellect and strength cannot surpass Fu Jian! In recent years, you have rampaged because you have not yet drunk from the river, and the year of Mao has not yet come. When Hulan made his deep incursion into Pengcheng, it rained for a few days, and not a single horse returned—do you remember? Now the spring rains have begun, and the masses are gathering. Attack the city confidently and do not retreat. If you run short of food, inform me, and I will provide provisions from the granary to sustain you.

You have sent me a sword—do you intend for me to use it upon you? How bitter it is! Let everyone strive with all their might. There is no need for further words."

At that time, there was a children's song among the barbarians that says: "The chariot comes north like a pheasant shot through, unexpectedly the barbarians’ horses drink from the river. The barbarian lord returns north to die at Shiji, the barbarians seek to cross the river but heaven will not allow it." Zang Zhi responded, quoting this rhyme, which greatly angered Tao. In his fury, Tao had an iron bed made, fitted with iron spikes, and declared that when Zhi was captured, he would be made to sit on it.

Zhi also wrote to the barbarian troops: "To the various officials and commoners among the enemy: I have received a letter from Büri, which is attached separately. We are all citizens of the same calendar. Why should you bring such disaster upon yourselves? A true man should know how to turn misfortune into blessing. Now, I am writing to you in accordance with the court's regulations, as in the separate letter, for you to ponder." At that time, there was a reward offered for Tuoba Tao's head, promising the title of Marquis of the Open Country and a fief of ten thousand households, along with ten thousand bolts of cloth and silk.

The barbarians employed hook carts to tear down the city walls, but the defenders countered by securing the carts with ropes. Hundreds of soldiers pulled against them, preventing the carts from retreating. Under the cover of night, the defenders lowered men outside the city walls using wooden barrels to sever the hooks. The next day, the barbarians deployed battering rams against the walls. However, the city’s densely packed soil proved resilient, and each strike dislodged only a few liters of earth. The barbarians then resorted to scaling the walls, engaging in close combat. They took turns, climbing, falling, and then climbing again without retreat, leading to tens of thousands of casualties. The bodies of the fallen piled up to the height of the city walls. The Prince of Gaoliang (Tuoba Na) was shot and killed.

After thirty days of siege, over half of the invaders lay dead. Upon learning that Pengcheng had cut off their retreat and that the [Song] court had dispatched a navy into the Huai River—where many of his men were succumbing to disease—Tuoba Tao lifted the siege on the second day of the second month (March 19, 451) and fled.

In recognition of Zhi's achievements, the emperor honored him with several prestigious titles: Envoy with the Imperial Seal, Champion General, Commander of the Pacification of the Barbarians, Inspector of Yongzhou, and Marquis of the Open Country, overseeing military affairs in Yong, Liang, and the northern and southern Qin provinces. He was also granted five hundred households.

The next year, Emperor Taizu launched another northern campaign, ordering Zhi to lead his forces to Tong Pass. However, Zhi delayed, stationing his troops near the outskirts of the city and sending only Marshal Liu Yuanjing to garrison the border. His reluctance to advance on time stemmed from his longing for a favorite concubine. He abandoned the camp and returned to the city alone on horseback. Furthermore, he spent an enormous sum—six to seven million coins—from the treasury, yet the authorities chose not to hold him accountable.

[linjunjian]

The Chariots Roll[1]

By Du Fu (712 - 770)

Chariots rumble, horses neigh,

Conscripts with bows and arrows at their waists stay.

Parents, wives, children, all run out to wave goodbye,

Xianyang Bridge[2] shrouded in dust, hides away.

Clothes gripped, feet stomp, they block the way,

Their wails ascend, piercing through the cloudy day.

A passerby[3] by the roadside queries a conscripted man,

The man responds, “Drafts continue without end.

From fifteen, we march north to guard the river's bend,[4]

Until forty, we till the fields of the western land.[5]

Our lizheng wrapped our heads as we departed,[6]

Returning with white hair, we guard the border still.

The border outposts bleed, an ocean charted,

Yet the Martial Emperor's thirst for expansion remains unfulfilled.[7]

Sir, have you not heard of Han’s provinces east of the mountains,[8] two hundred strong,

Where thousands of villages and hamlets, brambles and thorns belong.

Though strong women wield hoes and ploughs with might,

The fields' crops grow wild, chaos in sight.

And the soldiers of Qin, in battles they brave,

Driven like dogs and chickens, no difference in their fate.

Though you, elder, may inquire with care,

Can a conscript dare voice his despair?

In this winter, west of the Pass,[9]

Soldiers still await their rest.

County officials demand their share,

But whence do taxes and rents flare?

Know that bearing a son brings distress,

While having a daughter is a prize blessed.

A daughter, at least, can wed a neighbor,

But a son will be buried among the hundred grasses.

Sir, have you not seen Qinghai's edge so vast?

Through the ages, white bones untouched and cast.

New ghosts mourn, old spirits weep,

In the mist and rain, their cries seep, wailing, wailing.”

[1] The Chariots Roll, written by Du Fu (712-770) during the Tianbao period (742-756) of the Tang Dynasty, likely in 751, captures a turbulent era marked by the Tang Empire's frequent military campaigns against ethnic minorities in the southwestern regions. In 751, under the command of General Xianyu Zhongtong, an army of 80,000 suffered a devastating defeat at the hands of Nanzhao, resulting in the loss of 60,000 soldiers. To replenish the severely diminished forces, the principal chancellor, Yang Guozhong, initiated an impressment campaign, involving the coercive drafting of civilians, who were bound in chains and sent to military camps. This poem poignantly reflects the harsh realities and human suffering brought about by these historical events.

[2] The Xianyang Bridge was built by Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty. It was located southwest of present-day Xianyang City in Shaanxi Province. It served as a vital route for travel from Chang'an to the northwestern regions.

[3] Refers to Du Fu himself.

[4] During the 750s, the Tang Dynasty frequently clashed with the Tibetan Empire. Tang troops from the Longyou, Guanzhong, and Shuofang regions were strategically stationed west of the Yellow River to defend against Tibetan incursions.

[5] Under the tuntian system, troops were sent to harsh frontier landscapes with the objective of transforming uncultivated land into self-sustaining agrarian settler colonies. This was also a measure to defend against Tibetan incursions.

[6] In the Tang Dynasty, for every one hundred households, an official called lizheng (里正) was appointed. The lizheng was responsible for managing household registrations, overseeing civil affairs, and urging the completion of tax and labor duties. Young recruits needed the assistance of a lizheng to wrap their heads with a three-chi-long black silk.

[7] In Tang poetry, it was common to use "Han" as a euphemism for the Tang Dynasty. Therefore, the term "Martial Emperor" (or Emperor Wu of Han) is used to refer to Emperor Xuanzong of the Tang Dynasty. "Han" in the following line also refers to the Tang Dynasty.

[8] Mount Xiao and Mount Hua.

[9] The Hangu Pass.

兵车行 杜甫 车辚辚，马萧萧，行人弓箭各在腰。 耶娘妻子走相送，尘埃不见咸阳桥。 牵衣顿足拦道哭，哭声直上干云霄。 道旁过者问行人，行人但云点行频。 或从十五北防河，便至四十西营田。 去时里正与裹头，归来头白还戍边。 边庭流血成海水，武皇开边意未已。 君不闻汉家山东二百州，千村万落生荆杞。 纵有健妇把锄犁，禾生陇亩无东西。 况复秦兵耐苦战，被驱不异犬与鸡。 长者虽有问，役夫敢申恨？ 且如今年冬，未休关西卒。 县官急索租，租税从何出？ 信知生男恶，反是生女好。 生女犹得嫁比邻，生男埋没随百草。 君不见，青海头，古来白骨无人收。 新鬼烦冤旧鬼哭，天阴雨湿声啾啾！

[linjunjian]

Biography of Liu Yuanhai, JS101

Greetings from Shenzhen!

It's been a while since my last update on the Book of Jin translation. Life has been a whirlwind recently as I've been busy building an AI startup here in Shenzhen.

This evening, I finally translated the last paragraphs of JS101 that I left unfinished two months ago, and I'm excited to share it with you all. I hope you enjoy it!

With my current 12-hour workdays, this might be my last translation for a while. It's been wonderful to connect with this amazing community of Chinese history enthusiasts and to share our passion. Thank you!

#history #16kingdoms history #ancient china #three kingdoms

[linjunjian]

Exemplary Women, JS96

When the Three Talents[1] are aptly aligned, the ways of the household flourish and shine; where two kinships in concord bind, the winds of loyalty and valor we find. Lofty in spirit, alone to outshine, the annals of Lu[2] in brilliance entwine; Firm in resolve, as a spire stands alone, the chronicles of Zhou[3] in lushness are sown. Adorned in courage and grace, they were ever gentle and without blemish. Through ages their gaze extends, their legacy woven in more than mere threads.

       Thus did Yu rise at Gui’s conflux,[4] and Xia flourish at Mount Tu.[5] Yousong[6] and Youshen,[7] in their resplendence, laid the foundations of Yin's legacy; while Tai Ren[8] and Tai Si,[9] through their progeny, amplified the ethos of the house of Ji. In the Han dynasty, the matrons Ma[10] and Deng[11] were paragons of thrift and modesty; and in Wei's era, Empresses Xuan[12] and Zhao[13] radiated with dignified grace and virtue. These paragons, in the sanctum of propriety and the pavilion of righteousness, stood transcendent, their luminance distinct from the common weave of womanhood.

Furthermore, the narratives of Gongjiang's[14] unwavering fidelity, Mencius' mother's quest for righteousness,[15] Hua's adept stewardship of Qi [?], and Fan's[16] wise counsel leading Chu to supremacy, the chastisement of Duke Wen upon unsheathing his blade, Zi Fa's modesty in the division of beans, Shaojun's observance of the rites, and Meng Guang's resolute dedication - all epitomize the quintessence of their conduct and their adherence to maternal virtues.

Zizheng[17] earlier curated these chronicles, while Yuankai[18] compiled them later. Together, they enshrined the precepts of feminine comportment, augmenting the corpus of wisdom for the nurturing of women.

Thus, from the Taishi era to the reigns of [Emperors] Gong and An (266-420), those of singular virtue and skill have been chronicled and biographized herein. Among them, there were imperial consorts and those whose deeds were magnified through their spouses or sons. Each has been accorded their own bespoke biography, and thus, they find no place within the current compilation. In various insurrectionary states, where royal decrees were momentarily hindered, the inherent benevolence under Heaven yet stood as a testament to moral exhortation. The deeds of women from these realms, too, have been cataloged and are appended at the end of this article.

[1] "三才" (sān cái, lit. "the Three Talents") is a philosophical term originated from the Book of Changes. It encompasses Heaven (天tiān), Earth (地dì), and Humanity (人rén).

[2] The Spring and Autumn Annals was the official chronicle of the State of Lu. It covers a 241-year period from 722 to 481 BCE.

[3] The Rites of Zhou was a work on bureaucracy and organizational theory. It was listed among the classics of Confucianism.

[4] "媯汭" (guī ruì, lit. “Gui River’s conflux”) refers to the two wives of Yu Shun, E’huang and Nü Ying. Yu Shun lived at Gui River’s confluence, hence he adopted [Guī Ruì] as his clan’s name. (Shuowen Jiezi)

[5] Yu married a woman from the Mount Tu clan. He also convened a tribal alliance at Mount Tu for a campaign against the Miao.

[6] "有娀" (yǒu sōng) was an ancient state in the Chinese mythology. It is notably linked to Di Ku (帝嚳), a sage emperor of ancient China. According to myth, Di Ku had a consort named Jiandi (簡狄) from the Yousong clan. She was the mother of Qi (契), an ancestor of the Shang dynasty. The state of Yousong is also mentioned in the context of the last days of the Xia dynasty. Tang of Shang (商湯), the founder of the Shang dynasty, launched a campaign against the last Xia ruler, Jie (桀). The battle took place at Mingtiao, often associated with the location of Yousong. Tang's victory over Jie led to the fall of the Xia dynasty and the rise of the Shang. It symbolized the dynastic cycle and the Mandate of Heaven in Chinese historiography.

[7] "有㜪" (yǒu shēn) was an ancient state in the Chinese mythology. It is notably linked to the narrative surrounding Tang of Shang and his consort, who was a woman of the Youshen state. She bore Tang sons - Zhongren (仲壬, first ruler of the Shang dynasty) and Waibing (外丙, second ruler).

[8] Tai Ren (太任, c. 12th - 11th century BCE) was the mother of King Wen of Zhou, Ji Chang. Tai Jiang (Chang’s wife), Tai Ren, and Tai Si (Chang’s wife) were collectively known as the "Three Tais." The term "Tai Tai" (太太) has been used as an honorific for married women, signifying virtues and qualities that aspire to match those of the Three Tais.

[9] Tai Si (太姒, c. 12th - 11th century BCE) was the wife of King Wen of Zhou and is revered as a highly respected woman. She was a descendant of Yu and a mother of ten sons, including King Wu of Zhou - founder of the Zhou Dynasty - and his younger brother the Duke of Zhou.

[10] Empress Ma (馬皇后, late 30s - 79), formally Empress Mingde (明德皇后, lit. "The understanding and virtuous empress"), was an empress during the Eastern Han Dynasty from 60 until 75, then empress dowager from that year till her death. Her husband was Emperor Ming of Han. As empress, she was described as humble, solemn, thrifty and well-read. Emperor Ming often consulted her on important matters of state.

[11] Deng Sui (鄧綏, 81 - 121), formally Empress Hexi (和熹皇后, lit. "moderate and pacifying empress"), was an empress of the Eastern Han dynasty through her marriage to Emperor He of Han. She was recognized as a merciful, intelligent leader who guided the dynasty well through a period of natural disaster, famine, court intrigues, economic inflation and military conflicts. She was a staunch opponent of corruption and bribery and a patron of education and arts. She is considered to be one of the Han Dynasty's last effective rulers.

[12] Lady Bian (卞氏, 161 – 230), formally known as Empress Wuxuan, was an empress dowager and later grand empress dowager of the state of Cao Wei. She was the wife of Cao Cao and bore Cao Pi, who ended the Han dynasty and founded Wei in 220.

[13] Lady Zhen (甄氏, 183 - 221), was the first wife of Cao Pi. She was posthumously honored as Empress Wenzhao when her son Cao Rui succeeded Cao Pi as the emperor of Wei.

[14] The term Gongjiang refers to the wife of Viscount Gong of Wei (? - 813 BCE). It later refers to widows who never marry again.

[15] Mencius's mother is often held up as an exemplary female figure in Chinese culture. One of the most famous traditional Chinese idioms is 孟母三遷 (mèngmǔ-sānqiān, lit. "Mencius's mother moves three times"). This saying refers to the legend that Mencius's mother moved houses three times before finding a location that she felt was suitable for the child's upbringing.

[16] Consort Fan (樊姬, died in the 7th century BCE) was the Queen consort of King Zhuang of Chu (reigned 613-591 BCE). She acted as the political adviser of her spouse, and has been portrayed as a positive role model for women. She was noted for her clever methods of demonstrating her opinions and convincing people to change. In one famous story, she felt her husband was hunting too much, so she stopped eating meat, as a subtle reproach to him. He noted her actions, and ceased his inappropriate hunting.

[17] Liu Xiang (77 – 6 BCE), courtesy name Zizheng, was an astronomer, historian and writer of the Western Han dynasty. He compiled the Biographies of Exemplary Women. It includes 125 accounts of exemplary women taken from early Chinese histories. The book served as a standard Confucianist textbook for the moral education of women for 2000 years.

[18] Du Yu (223 – 285), courtesy name Yuankai, was a classicist, general and politician of Cao Wei during the late Three Kingdoms period and early Jin dynasty. He wrote Praise of Women’s Records (女记赞), which has been lost to time.

[craftercat]

JTS01, Biography of Gaozu (Part 1)

(My first translation, so I may well have got things wrong. When I finish translating Gaozu's biography I'll put it together and post it on my Wordpress)

The Exalted Founder (gaozu), Divine Great Sage Great Glorious Filial (shenyao dasheng daguang xiao) August Emperor's surname was Li, taboo Yuan. His ancestors were Di people of Longxi, Prince Wuzhao of Liang Gao's seventh-generation descendant (Prince Wuzhao of Liang was a ruler in the Sixteen Kingdoms period).

高祖神堯大聖大光孝皇帝姓李氏，諱淵。其先隴西狄道人，涼武昭王暠七代孫也。

Gao begot Xin. Xin begot Chong'er, (who) served in the government of (Northern) Wei as Governor of Hongnong Prefecture. Chong'er begot Xi, who was Brigadier-General of Jinmen, who led outstanding men to pacify Wuchuan, thus his family was there. In Yifeng (an era name of Emperor Gaozong of Tang, Gaozu's grandson), was posthumously honoured as Widespread August Emperor. Xi begot Tianxi, who served in the government of (Northern) Wei as Master of Banners. Achieved great command, was bestowed as Sikong. In Yifeng, was honoured as Glorious August Emperor.

暠生歆。歆生重耳，仕魏為弘農太守。重耳生熙，為金門鎮將，領豪傑鎮武川，因家焉。儀鳳中，追尊宣皇帝。熙生天錫，仕魏為幢主。大統中，贈司空。儀鳳中，追尊光皇帝.

The Imperial Ancestor's taboo (was) Hu, (was) Later Wei (Western Wei?)'s Supervisor, conferred as Duke of Longxi Commandery, accompanied Emperor Wen of Zhou (Yuwen Tai) with Grand Protector Li Bi, Minister of War Dugu Xin, etc. because of merits in participating as a subordinate was conferred, (they) were at the time known as the "Eight Pillars of the State", (Hu) was bestowed the surname of Daye.

皇祖諱虎，後魏左僕射，封隴西郡公，與周文帝及太保李弼、大司馬獨孤信等以功參佐命，當時稱為“八柱國家”，仍賜姓大野氏。

When Zhou received abdication (Emperor Wen of Sui came to the throne), (Hu) was posthumously conferred the title of Duke of Tang, posthumous name Xiang. When Emperor Wen of Sui was chancellor, their old surname (Li) was restored. At the beginning of Wude (Gaozu's era name), was posthumously honoured as Revered August Emperor, temple name Grand Founder (taizu), tomb in Yongkang.

周受禪，追封唐國公，諡曰襄。至隋文帝作相，還復本姓。武德初，追尊景皇帝，廟號太祖，陵曰永康。

The Imperial Deceased Father's taboo was Bing, was in charge of (Northern) Zhou's An Province, General-In-Chief of the (Eight) Pillars, inherited the title of Duke of Tang, posthumous name Ren. At the beginning of Wude, was posthumously honoured as Fundamental August Emperor, temple name Generational Ancestor (shizu), tomb in Xingning.

皇考諱昞，周安州總管、柱國大將軍，襲唐國公，諡曰仁。武德初，追尊元皇帝，廟號世祖，陵曰興寧。

Gaozu was born in the first year of Tianhe (one of Yuwen Yong's era names) in Chang'an, inherited the title of Duke of Tang at seven years old (by East Asian age reckoning). Growing up, he was outstanding and magnanimous, headstrong and sincere, generous, benevolent, and forgiving to the public. No matter if noble or lowly, all obtained his friendship. Sui accepted (Zhou)'s abdication, supplied one thousand cows personally. Emperor Wen's Empress Dugu was his maternal aunt, because of this was especially beloved (by Emperor Wen?), accumulated and conveyed as Regional Inspector of the three provinces of Qiao, Long and Qi.

高祖以周天和元年生於長安，七歲襲唐國公。及長，倜儻豁達，任性真率，寬仁容眾，無貴賤鹹得其歡心。隋受禪，補千牛備身。文帝獨孤皇后，即高祖從母也，由是特見親愛，累轉譙、隴、岐三州刺史。

Had a history of being virtuous and benevolent to others, (Emperor Wen?) called Gaozu and said:

"Your Honour's character is extraordinary, your heart has the appearance of a leader, I hope (you have) self-respect, do not forget my humble words."

Gaozu because of this was slightly conceited. At the beginning of Daye (Emperor Yang of Sui's era name), became Governor of the two commanderies of Xingyang and Loufan, recruited as lesser supervisor of the inner palace.

有史世良者，善相人，謂高祖曰：“公骨法非常，必為人主，願自愛，勿忘鄙言。”高祖頗以自負。大業初，為滎陽、樓煩二郡太守，征為殿內少監。

Ninth year (of Daye), promoted to lesser officer in the Commander of Palace Guards. In the Liaodong Campaign (Emperor Yang of Sui's expeditions in Goguryeo), supervised transportation and pacified Huaiyuan County. And Yang Xuangan rebelled, (Emperor Yang) decreed Gaozu move to a relay station to defend Honghua Commandery, and he knew and assisted in the affairs of all armies.

遼東之役，督運於懷遠鎮。及楊玄感反，詔高祖馳驛鎮弘化郡，兼知關右諸軍事.

Gaozu experienced many tests at home and abroad, and was simple and virtuous, he made many friendships with outstanding figures, and was close to numerous. At this time Emperor Yang was very suspicious of him, many suspected and feared him. An imperial decree summoned Gaozu to travel to (Emperor Yang)'s location, but did not go due to suffering from illness. At that time (Gaozu)'s niece Lady Wang was in (Emperor Yang)'s harem, the emperor asked her:

"Why is your maternal uncle late?"

Lady Wang responded that it was due to sickness, the emperor said:

"Could he die?"

高祖曆試中外，素樹恩德，及是結納豪傑，眾多款附。時煬帝多所猜忌，人懷疑懼。會有詔征高祖詣行在所，遇疾未謁。時甥王氏在後宮，帝問曰：“汝舅何遲？”王氏以疾對，帝曰：“可得死否？”

Gaozu heard this and it increased his fear, so drank excessively, became deeply immersed in drinking and bribery, so as to pass off his traces as this. In the eleventh year (of Daye), Emperor Yang favoured Fenyang Palace, ordered Gaozu to go to Shanxi and Hedong to disparage, punish and arrest (rebels). The troops arrived in Longmen, the traitors commanding (mothers and sons who followed them?) were numerous and thinly spread in cities.

高祖聞之益懼，因縱酒沉湎，納賄以混其跡焉。十一年，煬帝幸汾陽宮，命高祖往山西、河東黜陟討捕。師次龍門，賊帥母端兒帥眾數千薄於城下。

Gaozu used more than ten mounted soldiers to attack, shot seventy, all responded to the crossbow and fell, the traitors thus collapsed. In the twelfth year (of Daye), was promoted to Right Strong Guard General.

高祖從十余騎擊之，所射七十發，皆應弦而倒，賊乃大潰。十二年，遷右驍衛將軍。

[linjunjian]

Really appreciate the effort you put into translating the JTS! I noticed a few areas that might benefit from alternative translations to capture the nuances of the original text more closely. Here are some examples:

His forebears hailed from Didao in Longxi, being the seventh generational scion of Hao, the King Wuzhao of Liang.

其先隴西狄道人，涼武昭王暠七代孫也。

During the Datong period (535-551), he was honored posthumously with the title of Minister of Works.

大統中，贈司空。

There existed a man by the name of Shi Shiliang, of notable skill in physiognomy. He spoke to Gaozu, “Your skeletal frame betrays a nature most uncommon. You’re destined to ascend as sovereign over men. I implore you to cherish your well-being and not to forget my humble counsel.”

有史世良者，善相人，謂高祖曰：“公骨法非常，必為人主，願自愛，勿忘鄙言。”

During the campaign in Liaodong, he oversaw the delivery of provisions to Huaiyuan Town. When Yang Xuangan rebelled, an imperial decree called forth Gaozu to swiftly advance to the Honghua Commandery, concurrently charging him with the military governance west of the pass.

遼東之役，督運於懷遠鎮。及楊玄感反，詔高祖馳驛鎮弘化郡，兼知關右諸軍事。

In the eleventh year, Emperor Yang journeyed to the Fenyang Palace and commanded Gaozu to venture into Shanxi and Hedong for scrutinizing and apprehending officials. As the forces encamped at Longmen, the bandit leader Mu Duan'er, at the helm of several thousand men, assailed the city.

十一年，煬帝幸汾陽宮，命高祖往山西、河東黜陟討捕。師次龍門，賊帥母端兒帥眾數千薄於城下。

Gaozu, at the head of scarcely more than ten horsemen, charged upon them. Of the seventy arrows he loosed, each met its mark and brought them down, precipitating a grand disarray amongst the rebel ranks.

高祖從十余騎擊之，所射七十發，皆應弦而倒，賊乃大潰。

[craftercat]

Thank you so much! I'm new to translation and it's not always easy to decipher the meaning. I'll make the changes real quick.

[linjunjian]

Glad you found the suggestions helpful! If you have any more sections you'd like feedback on, please feel free to reach out.

[craftercat]

JTS01, Biography of Gaozu (Part 1)

(My first translation, so I may well have got things wrong. When I finish translating Gaozu's biography I'll put it together and post it on my Wordpress)

The Exalted Founder (gaozu), Divine Great Sage Great Glorious Filial (shenyao dasheng daguang xiao) August Emperor's surname was Li, taboo Yuan. His ancestors were Di people of Longxi, Prince Wuzhao of Liang Gao's seventh-generation descendant (Prince Wuzhao of Liang was a ruler in the Sixteen Kingdoms period).

高祖神堯大聖大光孝皇帝姓李氏，諱淵。其先隴西狄道人，涼武昭王暠七代孫也。

Gao begot Xin. Xin begot Chong'er, (who) served in the government of (Northern) Wei as Governor of Hongnong Prefecture. Chong'er begot Xi, who was Brigadier-General of Jinmen, who led outstanding men to pacify Wuchuan, thus his family was there. In Yifeng (an era name of Emperor Gaozong of Tang, Gaozu's grandson), was posthumously honoured as Widespread August Emperor. Xi begot Tianxi, who served in the government of (Northern) Wei as Master of Banners. Achieved great command, was bestowed as Sikong. In Yifeng, was honoured as Glorious August Emperor.

暠生歆。歆生重耳，仕魏為弘農太守。重耳生熙，為金門鎮將，領豪傑鎮武川，因家焉。儀鳳中，追尊宣皇帝。熙生天錫，仕魏為幢主。大統中，贈司空。儀鳳中，追尊光皇帝.

The Imperial Ancestor's taboo (was) Hu, (was) Later Wei (Western Wei?)'s Supervisor, conferred as Duke of Longxi Commandery, accompanied Emperor Wen of Zhou (Yuwen Tai) with Grand Protector Li Bi, Minister of War Dugu Xin, etc. because of merits in participating as a subordinate was conferred, (they) were at the time known as the "Eight Pillars of the State", (Hu) was bestowed the surname of Daye.

皇祖諱虎，後魏左僕射，封隴西郡公，與周文帝及太保李弼、大司馬獨孤信等以功參佐命，當時稱為“八柱國家”，仍賜姓大野氏。

When Zhou received abdication (Emperor Wen of Sui came to the throne), (Hu) was posthumously conferred the title of Duke of Tang, posthumous name Xiang. When Emperor Wen of Sui was chancellor, their old surname (Li) was restored. At the beginning of Wude (Gaozu's era name), was posthumously honoured as Revered August Emperor, temple name Grand Founder (taizu), tomb in Yongkang.

周受禪，追封唐國公，諡曰襄。至隋文帝作相，還復本姓。武德初，追尊景皇帝，廟號太祖，陵曰永康。

The Imperial Deceased Father's taboo was Bing, was in charge of (Northern) Zhou's An Province, General-In-Chief of the (Eight) Pillars, inherited the title of Duke of Tang, posthumous name Ren. At the beginning of Wude, was posthumously honoured as Fundamental August Emperor, temple name Generational Ancestor (shizu), tomb in Xingning.

皇考諱昞，周安州總管、柱國大將軍，襲唐國公，諡曰仁。武德初，追尊元皇帝，廟號世祖，陵曰興寧。

Gaozu was born in the first year of Tianhe (one of Yuwen Yong's era names) in Chang'an, inherited the title of Duke of Tang at seven years old (by East Asian age reckoning). Growing up, he was outstanding and magnanimous, headstrong and sincere, generous, benevolent, and forgiving to the public. No matter if noble or lowly, all obtained his friendship. Sui accepted (Zhou)'s abdication, supplied one thousand cows personally. Emperor Wen's Empress Dugu was his maternal aunt, because of this was especially beloved (by Emperor Wen?), accumulated and conveyed as Regional Inspector of the three provinces of Qiao, Long and Qi.

高祖以周天和元年生於長安，七歲襲唐國公。及長，倜儻豁達，任性真率，寬仁容眾，無貴賤鹹得其歡心。隋受禪，補千牛備身。文帝獨孤皇后，即高祖從母也，由是特見親愛，累轉譙、隴、岐三州刺史。

Had a history of being virtuous and benevolent to others, (Emperor Wen?) called Gaozu and said:

"Your Honour's character is extraordinary, your heart has the appearance of a leader, I hope (you have) self-respect, do not forget my humble words."

Gaozu because of this was slightly conceited. At the beginning of Daye (Emperor Yang of Sui's era name), became Governor of the two commanderies of Xingyang and Loufan, recruited as lesser supervisor of the inner palace.

有史世良者，善相人，謂高祖曰：“公骨法非常，必為人主，願自愛，勿忘鄙言。”高祖頗以自負。大業初，為滎陽、樓煩二郡太守，征為殿內少監。

Ninth year (of Daye), promoted to lesser officer in the Commander of Palace Guards. In the Liaodong Campaign (Emperor Yang of Sui's expeditions in Goguryeo), supervised transportation and pacified Huaiyuan County. And Yang Xuangan rebelled, (Emperor Yang) decreed Gaozu move to a relay station to defend Honghua Commandery, and he knew and assisted in the affairs of all armies.

遼東之役，督運於懷遠鎮。及楊玄感反，詔高祖馳驛鎮弘化郡，兼知關右諸軍事.

Gaozu experienced many tests at home and abroad, and was simple and virtuous, he made many friendships with outstanding figures, and was close to numerous. At this time Emperor Yang was very suspicious of him, many suspected and feared him. An imperial decree summoned Gaozu to travel to (Emperor Yang)'s location, but did not go due to suffering from illness. At that time (Gaozu)'s niece Lady Wang was in (Emperor Yang)'s harem, the emperor asked her:

"Why is your maternal uncle late?"

Lady Wang responded that it was due to sickness, the emperor said:

"Could he die?"

高祖曆試中外，素樹恩德，及是結納豪傑，眾多款附。時煬帝多所猜忌，人懷疑懼。會有詔征高祖詣行在所，遇疾未謁。時甥王氏在後宮，帝問曰：“汝舅何遲？”王氏以疾對，帝曰：“可得死否？”

Gaozu heard this and it increased his fear, so drank excessively, became deeply immersed in drinking and bribery, so as to pass off his traces as this. In the eleventh year (of Daye), Emperor Yang favoured Fenyang Palace, ordered Gaozu to go to Shanxi and Hedong to disparage, punish and arrest (rebels). The troops arrived in Longmen, the traitors commanding (mothers and sons who followed them?) were numerous and thinly spread in cities.

高祖聞之益懼，因縱酒沉湎，納賄以混其跡焉。十一年，煬帝幸汾陽宮，命高祖往山西、河東黜陟討捕。師次龍門，賊帥母端兒帥眾數千薄於城下。

Gaozu used more than ten mounted soldiers to attack, shot seventy, all responded to the crossbow and fell, the traitors thus collapsed. In the twelfth year (of Daye), was promoted to Right Strong Guard General.

高祖從十余騎擊之，所射七十發，皆應弦而倒，賊乃大潰。十二年，遷右驍衛將軍。

[linjunjian]

Really appreciate the effort you put into translating the JTS! I noticed a few areas that might benefit from alternative translations to capture the nuances of the original text more closely. Here are some examples:

His forebears hailed from Didao in Longxi, being the seventh generational scion of Hao, the King Wuzhao of Liang.

其先隴西狄道人，涼武昭王暠七代孫也。

During the Datong period (535-551), he was honored posthumously with the title of Minister of Works.

大統中，贈司空。

There existed a man by the name of Shi Shiliang, of notable skill in physiognomy. He spoke to Gaozu, “Your skeletal frame betrays a nature most uncommon. You’re destined to ascend as sovereign over men. I implore you to cherish your well-being and not to forget my humble counsel.”

有史世良者，善相人，謂高祖曰：“公骨法非常，必為人主，願自愛，勿忘鄙言。”

During the campaign in Liaodong, he oversaw the delivery of provisions to Huaiyuan Town. When Yang Xuangan rebelled, an imperial decree called forth Gaozu to swiftly advance to the Honghua Commandery, concurrently charging him with the military governance west of the pass.

遼東之役，督運於懷遠鎮。及楊玄感反，詔高祖馳驛鎮弘化郡，兼知關右諸軍事。

In the eleventh year, Emperor Yang journeyed to the Fenyang Palace and commanded Gaozu to venture into Shanxi and Hedong for scrutinizing and apprehending officials. As the forces encamped at Longmen, the bandit leader Mu Duan'er, at the helm of several thousand men, assailed the city.

十一年，煬帝幸汾陽宮，命高祖往山西、河東黜陟討捕。師次龍門，賊帥母端兒帥眾數千薄於城下。

Gaozu, at the head of scarcely more than ten horsemen, charged upon them. Of the seventy arrows he loosed, each met its mark and brought them down, precipitating a grand disarray amongst the rebel ranks.

高祖從十余騎擊之，所射七十發，皆應弦而倒，賊乃大潰。

[linjunjian]

Biography of Shi Le, Part Two

Dove into translating Shi Le's biography (Part Two) and decided to give it a literary twist. Aimed to keep it rich and engaging, not just a plain retelling. I played around with language and style to bring the era and Shi Le's vibe to life.

Would love to get your takes on this style. Does it work? Does it still feel true to Shi Le? Hit me with your thoughts!

Thanks!

[linjunjian]

At a banquet in honor of envoys from Goguryeo and Yuwen Wugu, after having imbibed, Le inquired of Xu Guang, "To which founding ruler of yore might I be compared?"

Guang responded, "Your Imperial Majesty, with your divine martial prowess and strategic acumen, eclipses even the High Emperor. Your valor and illustrious deeds surpass those of the founder of Wei. Since the era of the Three Sovereigns, none can rival your greatness, save perhaps Xuanyuan."

Le chuckled, "Is it not the mark of every man to know his own measure? Your flattery verges on being excessive. Were I to meet the High Emperor, I would face north in servitude, ready to compete with Han and Peng in a whip race for supremacy. Encountering Guangwu, together we would stride through the Central Plains, with it unknown whose hand would claim the life of the deer. A true man's deeds should shine plainly like the sun and moon. I could never emulate Cao Mengde and Sima Zhongda, who, with their fox-like cunning, preyed upon orphans and widows to seize the realm Under the Heaven. I am to be counted among the likes of the two Lius. Xuanyuan is beyond comparison!"

Every minister in attendance prostrated themselves, exclaiming, "Ten thousand years!"

-Shi Le Part Two, Vol. 105, Book of Jin

勒因飨高句丽、宇文屋孤使，酒酣，谓徐光曰：「朕方自古开基何等主也？」对曰：「陛下神武筹略迈于高皇，雄艺卓荦超绝魏祖，自三王已来无可比也，其轩辕之亚乎！」勒笑曰：「人岂不自知，卿言亦以太过。朕若逢高皇，当北面而事之，与韩彭竞鞭而争先耳。脱遇光武，当并驱于中原，未知鹿死谁手。大丈夫行事当礌礌落落，如日月皎然，终不能如曹孟德、司马仲达父子，欺他孤儿寡妇，狐媚以取天下也。朕当在二刘之间耳，轩辕岂所拟乎！」其群臣皆顿首称万岁。

——《晋书·载记第五·石勒下》

[caozihuanismyson]

just called a driver and saw this

[linjunjian]

lol

[linjunjian]

Just finished translating some bits about Shi Le and wow, his life's like a live-action Mount & Blade saga. Seriously, you can't make this stuff up.

[linjunjian]

Book of Jin Chapter 94. Hermits and Recluses

Follow me on X! 👇

[quicklyqualitydonut]

More translations are always welcome! (Though I am not a fan of X, and have to say, not really of "AI" art.)

You've done a massive amount of translation! I have only skim-read parts so far. Just noticed an error where for Liu Kun's older brother Liu Yu, it says "Nephew to both Kun and Guo Yi, his renown was widespread." Kun and Yu were famous brothers, so it seems an obvious oversight. The translation should read more like "Yu, along with Kun, were both nephews of the shangshu Guo Yi."

[linjunjian]

Thanks so much for diving into the translation and for the keen eye! I've made the correction regarding Liu Yu and Liu Kun. feel free to drop any more insights or advice my way – it's super helpful!