Jane Seymour leaving drawings of Anne Boleyn being decapitated in her private chambers for her to find, setting her bed on fire whilst sheâs sleeping in it, and throwing her beloved dog out of a window, like ...
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@machiavellianjanearchive
Jane Seymour leaving drawings of Anne Boleyn being decapitated in her private chambers for her to find, setting her bed on fire whilst sheâs sleeping in it, and throwing her beloved dog out of a window, like ...
hey! i don't know if you're active on this blog still. but i just had to send you this ask. so uptill now i've been on the anne boleyn side of the fandom... mostly because of natalie dormer but that's neither here or there/ soo i saw a few posts like mentioning steel if only in domestic affairs! portrayal of jane seymour... and they seem cool. much better than inspid woman jane seymour because thats just vilifying her to push up your fave. how would have jane affected the politics if she'd lived? and so did her son? would she start playing a visibly active role, or did she already do that and i'm highly misinformed???
hi! i'm no longer active on this blog and don't check it regularly (this was sent in april and i'm only seeing it now, in august) but i am answering here to reblog with an (admittedly, even LATER) response on my main blog!
Hello! Firstly: really love your blog. Secondly: I noticed one of your tags that stated that âHunting the Falconâs take on Anneâs queenship was nonsenseâ and now Iâm very intrigued. Could you possibly give an explanation as to why and how that is? I havenât read it yet, though I was planning to (Iâve enjoyed some of Julia Foxâs other booksâbut Iâd be very interested to hear a more critical opinion of her work, if you have any.) Thank you! Happy Holidays and happy new year:)
hey! đ
so I take issue with the sort of âAnne Boleyn true-ismsâ that predicate on elevating her above her female contemporaries, as I feel like they actually work to erase much of what defined queenship (and female agency as a whole) in the period. Hunting the Falcon, unfortunately, repeats some of these arguments in a way that I think is misrepresentative of late medieval/early modern queenship in England.
Simply put, the book argues that âAnne would reign for only 1,083 days before disaster engulfed her, and yet in that short time she would enlarge the role of queenâ. âEnlarge the role of queenâ⊠to what, exactly? How did Anne âenlargeâ the role when she did what queens already did? Previous queens consistently did more than Anne did or expressed a desire to do, and ofc. a fundamental element of that is their status relative to hers, but we simply have a lack of evidence to argue that Anne did anything to âenlargeâ the role of queen. More importantly, I really donât think we can credit Anne for âenlargingâ the role of queen, when Henry would ultimately retaliate and suppress his future wivesâ power and ultimately limit their role â the opposite of the legacy Hunting the Falcon is attempting to credit Anne with. The above quote literally references the fact that Anne did not reign very long⊠because Henry VIII killed her â the first anointed queen consort to be executed. And in the short time she did reign, I simply think the book fails to prove that she did more than what was conventional for queens at the time, and instead relies on simply telling us the typical âtrue-ismsâ: that she was uniquely ambitious, and ideologically driven, and politically involved.
âThe status of a queen as royal consort, and the ways that status should be expressed ceremonially, were well understood before the reign of Queen Mary I, and despite the various assaults on the dignity of the office by Henry VIII. [âŠ] In brief, a queen had long functioned âboth as an agent and as a symbol of royaltyâ. She was, indeed, the sharer of royal power.â â Judith M. Richards, Mary Tudor as âSole Queneâ?: Gendering Tudor Monarchy â[âŠ] while Henry VIII did return to the medieval norm by having his first two wives crowned at the first available opportunity, after 1533 he reverted to the example of his father. [âŠ] Henry VIIIâs first wife had occasionally outshone him, his second wife argued with him, and his third was reminded ânot to meddle in his affairsâ, lest she meet the fate of the last queen who had debated with him. He had no interest in elevating his wife through a public ceremony which gave her an identity that was uniquely special. In the final decade of his life, the greatest attribute Henry prized in his wives was an obedience as total as he expected from his subjects.â â Gareth Russell, Young and Damned and Fair â[âŠ] scholarsâ proclivity to regard queens as politically marginal is based on modern, gendered misunderstandings of medieval monarchy. [âŠ] Queens were not some marginal also-rans but political figures in their own right, especially when the definition of political work is not limited by modern definitions but is expanded to include actions such as patronage, pious church work, informal diplomacy, and intercession. It is time to stop seeing queens as apolitical or politically active queens as exceptional: âthe question is not whether women exercise power; it is how and whyâ.â â Kristen L. Geaman, Anne of Bohemia (Lives of Royal Women)
âshe [Anne] envisaged a mould-breaking role for herself. Unlike Catherine, she never intended to sit quietly in her own apartments sewing her husbandâs shirts. As early as December 1530, she hired a shirt maker. She was not prepared to while away her time in her privy chamber, to be paraded on state occasions or to be a gentle feminine presence, a foil to her husbandâs masculinity. [...] Now she wanted to set herself apart from her predecessors, to associate herself with everything new and to exercise power on her own account. Passionate about religion, education and poor relief, she wanted to change England.â
â Julia Fox & John Guy, Hunting the Falcon
VERSUS
âFar from being the tender-hearted queen content to stay in the background with her sewing and her prayers, which is how myth so frequently portrays her, the real Catherine [of Aragon] was heavily involved in political affairs whenever the chance arose. A couple of years after Prince Henryâs death, that chance was there as, urged on by Ferdinand, war with France loomed again. The Venetian ambassador, Andrea Badoer, was left in no doubt just how important and influential she was as plans took shape, for she even asked him the monthly cost of Venetian galleys. Shrewdly assessing the likelihood of outright war against France, Badoer reported that the king was âbent on warâ, the Council was âaverse to itâ, but âthe Queen wills itâ. Badoer leaves us in no doubt as to who would get their way.â
â Julia Fox, Sister Queens
I don't mean to disparage Julia Fox or John Guy â both of whom have produced work I really highly regard â but the argument that Anne's queenship was exceptional, on some sort of ideological level, is too common, as is. She didn't do anything distinctive or unique â queenship just looks more empowering on Anne because of a false idea that queenship meant nothing prior to Anne. The reality is that late medieval queenship was inherently political, that these women did (and were expected to do) numerous things within their role.
The above quote, positing Anne's predecessors' position as âa gentle feminine presenceâ is a huge oversimplification â if queens were the feminine power to masculine power, that still positioned them as one half of a dual role. As Joanna Laynesmith has put it: âall queens had the potential to make their husband's kingship more whole [âŠ] often hinging upon a need for a female element in even the most male structuresâ. Indeed, it was the queen, through the function of her marriage (symbolic, religious, and practical), who was integral to âconfirming and representing the legitimacy of her husbandâs kingshipâ.
However, queenship was more than that. Queens were land-owners managing numerous estates across their territories â which, as Michele Seah and Katia Wright have pointed out: âthe lands themselves enabled the queen to build and maintain a power baseâ. Queens interceded with the king (and others) â which served many functions, both politically but also in symbolically positioning queens as merciful; as Laynesmith has summarised, âthe queenâs traditional role as intercessor had also long been connected with the Virgin Mary. The notion of queen as intercessor - mercy in opposition to the king as judgementâ. Queens were active in alms-giving and charitable works â which Michelle Beer has pointed out were also intended to be seen: âqueenly acts, such as the distribution of alms at the queenâs gates, were witnessed by pre-modern individuals who understood these acts to be constitutive of the queenâs power and authorityâ. Queens founded schools/colleges. Queens were deeply significant agents for diplomacy, including arranging marriages and foreign networking. Queens fulfilled a significant function within ceremony and ritual: to, again, quote Laynesmith: âthe display and ritual celebration of kingship was one of the primary roles of the court, and the queen was expected to be present for crown-wearings, anniversaries of coronations, the ennoblement of peers, and the observance of religious festivals. Such celebrations might include festivities held in separate chambers for some part, if only to cope with the numbers present for banqueting, but a surviving description of several such occasions in Henry VIIâs reign reveals that the queen was most commonly at her husbandâs side. It was not only at such major feasts that they were together, but frequently for the reception of foreign ambassadors or papal legatesâ. Queens were effectively the âhostessâ of the royal court, with all the responsibilities that demanded. Queens commissioned works of art, establishing fashion trends, cultivated careers and influenced culture.
âQueens consort in late medieval and early modern England performed significant and essential court roles. Their subjects viewed them as exemplars of womanhood, providing models for their female subjects to follow [âŠ] Giving birth to royal heirs remained, of course, their most important familial duty [âŠ] The consortsâ other important roles included appointing numerous officials to handle household and financial administration; collecting honorable female attendants; supervising various family matters; relying on churchmen and almoners for spiritual support; patronizing individuals; both lay and religious; participating in various royal rituals; and attending to other public duties, such as acting as intercessors or regents.â â Retha Warnicke, Elizabeth of York and her Six Daughters-in-Law
And, to some extent, Fox&Guy are aware of this â because here is how they summarise Elizabeth of Yorkâs queenship: âElizabeth was as cultured, intelligent and sophisticated as she was beautiful. Affectionate, accessible, charming, a peacemaker, she brought harmony to the royal family and was the perfect counterpoise to her distant, dispassionate husbandâ. But it seems clear that they are heavily relying on caricatures of Henryâs parents, as they strictly characterise Henry VIII as obsessed with finding his mother in his wives, so the recognition of Elizabeth of York as âaccessible, a peacemakerâ and as a âperfect counterpoiseâ to the king seems, I would argue, accidental.
Especially because the book also argues that Anne was learning revolutionary ideas about female agency and power in the Low Countries and, later, France: âLouise and Marguerite resoundingly gave the lie to those who believed that women had no place in the government and politics of a patriarchal society [âŠ] her [Anneâs] experiences helped to transform her outlook and her life. She could contrast them to the way that women were not regarded as political actors in Englandâ. But this strictly ignores how politically involved royal women were during the Wars of the Roses. Certainly, there were gendered limitations, and queens occupied an inherently contradictory position: they were to be âexemplars of womanhoodâ, yet their position placed them in a more masculine position (as landowners, regents etc.). Consider Helen Maurerâs point: âthe gender system in which Margaret [of Anjou] lived theoretically denied that a woman could ever hold political authority. At the same time, however, it permitted and even encouraged women to act in ways that had political consequences; this was most true for the queen. This uneasy duality made transgression possibleâ. Yet Anne did not do anything that uniquely challenged this capacity, and nor does the book really engage with this nuance whilst making claims that Anneâs queenship was, indeed, unique.
It feels like the book makes the argument that Anne was distinctly political, both in her own right, and because of her relationship with Henry VIII, but the reality is queens were previously expected to act alongside and even above others of the kings agents â again, to quote Laynesmith: âqueens were expected to engage on an equal, or ever superior, footing with some of the kingâs principal officials in administering a substantial sector of the realmâ. The idea that Anneâs was an elevation of the role â that Catherine was less active by contrast â undermines the fact that the queenâs role was multifaceted and integral to monarchy, as court hostess, Marian wife/mother and intercessor, active in religious rituals and charity works ⊠all of which Catherine did (and, indeed, tried to keep doing after the divorce â Hunting the Falcon points out how Anne usurped the queenâs role in Maundy services from Catherine: âIt was the queenâs role to give them out, and by usurping Katherineâs function in this manner, Anne was making a pointâ.) And for as much as Anne might have had access to a âculturedâ French education, it wouldnât have been significantly more pro-âwomen in powerâ than had she stayed in England, and any progressions in that discourse were felt on both sides of channel as England had women in power AND access to relevant literature, too. Women such as Margaret Beaufort, Margaret of Anjou, Cecily Neville, Elizabeth Woodville should equally be regarded as potent and active in recent English memory.
Moreover, I don't feel like Fox&Guy, OR other authors & historians who perpetuate this true-ism ever prove that Anne did anything new or innovative as queen. The book argues she was the first to be involved in religious reform to such a degree and sure, Iâll give Anne that, and that is a fascinating component of Anne as an individual, but this is perhaps too much of a simplification. Anneâs desire to repurpose funds from religious houses to go towards poor relief effectively served to replace the loss of poor relief provided by religious houses pre-closures. This wasnât an addition or âelevationâ, but was a replacement. Can we fairly credit Anneâs queenship as âenlargedâ, when crediting her for the break from Rome likewise means her queenship was, by turns, more restrictive?
And these true-ism are actually problematic on the reverse, too. As much as I like Hunting the Falconâs general characterisation of Anne, it does insinuate that she was pushy, over-assertive, or difficult, which is a typical trend in her biography â âshe often could not comprehend how far she had crossed a boundary and would infuriate her husbandâ. However, if queenship gets properly considered as an active, political and agentic role, then Anneâs conduct should be recontextualised, and much of her behaviour that is characterised as âcrossing a boundaryâ as Fox&Guy put it, or as âtantrums and interference from a wife. Subservience was a word that had never been in Anne's vocabularyâ as Fox described Anne in a previous publication (Jane Boleyn), or as âincreasingly becoming waspishâ as Guy described Anne in a previous publication (Children of Henry VIII), should more accurately be accepted as Anne acting in accordance with her position. That Anneâs behaviour has not been regarded as legitimate stems from her queenship not being regarded as legitimate, when in actuality she seems to have performed her queenly duties acceptably. It is reductive, not just of other royal women, but of Anne, herself. Indeed, John Guy's limited understanding of queenship, and difficulties in accepting the period's acceptance of women in power, has been critiqued before, with Jacqueline Vanhoutte pointing out âwhen Guy describes the capable Sir Christopher Hatton as âan unctuous flattererâ for declaring âhimself to be Elizabeth [I]âs âeverlasting bondmanâ seemingly without a hint of hypocrisy,â he sounds nearly as outraged as a Vindice or a Hamletâ. She argues: âwhat Guy finds intolerable is not the possibility that Hatton was a hypocrite, but the possibility that he was not. Hatton loved the queen he served and believed in her superiorityâ; as clearly Guy's acceptance of the popularly assumed historical female inferiority superseded his ability to recognise the nuances of female power. This is arguably not the attitude that lends itself to a reasonable view of queenship in the sixteenth century.
âAnneâs interventions in political negotiations, her patronage and her scholarship, are all portrayed as somehow dangerously edgy and progressive. It might be more interesting to ask whether we may be misguided in assuming that âpatriarchyâ in this era means the same as we take it to mean today. Sixteenth-century women may not have chaired board meetings or performed brain surgery (in any case, fewer than 10 per cent of CEOs in the UK today are women), but they could exert great political influence, run businesses, write books, shape religious belief and practice â and, in the case of Anneâs daughter, rule the country. The most disquieting moment in this book is when weâre assured that Anne was âan extraordinarily modern womanâ. The idea that intelligence, eloquence, conviction, dynamism and influence are the preserve of modernity, and that any woman exercising them before the modern era must necessarily have been a maverick figure, at odds with their own culture, is a troubling assumption.â
â Lucy Wooding, Whip with Six Strings: Anne Boleynâs Allure (LRB review of Hunting the Falcon)
yes, i think jane seymour has excellent potential for gothic/romantic literature â and that in fiction we can & should characterise her with monstrosity in mind, given her position as a member of the nobility and ultimately queen places her at the heart of a monstrous institution.
yes, i think distinctions should be made between a fictitious characterisation and the real woman, about whom we know very little. that given the dearth of knowledge we have about the real jane seymour, active dislike of her (instead of her peers, about whom we know far more) is a choice, and can only stem from malicious, willful misogyny â and that misogyny is rampant within tudor historiography, literature and fandom.
we exist. đđ
i see that bernadette's period drama year in review ranking video has dropped. can i just ask what is the point of these? it's turned into this sprawling thing because she's covering literally everything for no reason, bernadettei i can assure you the latest season of outlander had the same costumes as the last few you don't need to talk about it. half of the video is just other people talking, which is actually a good thing because she's not a good reviewer. she's including stuff like the little mermaid and even good omens and doctor who even though it's fantasy and doctor who is literally sci-fi? at that point you might as well include the wheel of time as well. she can't even get into anything properly because there's too much stuff so most of these period dramas get disscussed for only a minute. i know she isn't actually watching most of them so she's talking about costumes out of context. not even getting into how very very few period dramas can even be deemed "historically accurate" so again what is the point of these videos?
i question why i'm the blog you sent this to but i LOVE my reputation for being a hater and that you feel this is a safe space for hatery <3
You hate Taylor swift?
i'm an og hater đ never was a fan and started to dislike her brand around the time of red/1989 (whenever she went mainstream pop, icr which?) but i didn't dislike HER as a person until i think her going on those self-gratifying exploitative pap walks with sophie turner last year? maybe something earlier than that did it for me, but early 2023 definitely cemented me disliking her, her brand, and how inescapable she is...
boyfriend likes her country stuff, tho, so that's often playing here đ€·
âBecause of her massive success, in this moment there is a Taylor-shaped hole in peopleâs ethicsâ
you're a billionaire climate criminal who was dating a vocal racist antisemite last year, who has been silent on gaza while publicly associating with zionist âbestiesâ and sexual battery apologists. shut the fuck up about ethics. die.
Between Game of Thronesâ glorious crash and burn and The Anne Boleyn Sapphire Caricature Show rotting in obscurity less than two years post-release it must be that a finger curls on a monkeyâs paw every time thereâs a new installment in the low effort & racist cinematic universe
Anne B*leyn stans challenge: Try to defend your fav without unnecessarily bringing in and saying the most sexist shit imaginable about other historical women
"these two monarchs tweaked some aspects of the coronation process of Elizabeth Woodville and Anne Boleyn to make them more respected in their role as consort" re H8 and E4. That's so interesting and I didn't know that at all! What did they do/change?
I haven't looked at it in too much detail (I have read more about Elizabeth Woodville's coronation), but what comes to mind is the use of certain items of regalia that were usually assigned to the king's coronation â St Edward's sceptre and crown. Nicola Tallis argued that 'they served as a useful tool to distract the populaceâs attention from Elizabeth and Anneâs low-born origins'.
While the kingâs sceptre was made of gold, the Liber Regalis, which set out the protocol for the crowning of a king and his consort, stated that a queenâs sceptre should be made of gilt. However, Elizabeth Wydeville is known to have used St Edwardâs staff, which was the same as that used by kings. It is also likely that St Edwardâs was the same sceptre as that used by Elizabeth of York, described as âthe scepter of gold in her right handâ, and the one referred to in similar terms that was used by Anne Boleyn. That Elizabeth Wydeville and Anne Boleyn were given permission to use this item is momentous and serves to underline the crucial role jewels played in assisting with the reinforcement of a queenâs status, necessary in both of these instances.
However, I can't help but wonder: if Elizabeth Woodville and Anne Boleyn were assigned those items because they needed to inspire respect in their subjects given their lower birth status, what was the need for Elizabeth of York to have also used the king's sceptre during her own coronation? Derek Neal also commented on those changes:
Hello! Firstly: really love your blog. Secondly: I noticed one of your tags that stated that âHunting the Falconâs take on Anneâs queenship was nonsenseâ and now Iâm very intrigued. Could you possibly give an explanation as to why and how that is? I havenât read it yet, though I was planning to (Iâve enjoyed some of Julia Foxâs other booksâbut Iâd be very interested to hear a more critical opinion of her work, if you have any.) Thank you! Happy Holidays and happy new year:)
hey! đ
so I take issue with the sort of âAnne Boleyn true-ismsâ that predicate on elevating her above her female contemporaries, as I feel like they actually work to erase much of what defined queenship (and female agency as a whole) in the period. Hunting the Falcon, unfortunately, repeats some of these arguments in a way that I think is misrepresentative of late medieval/early modern queenship in England.
Simply put, the book argues that âAnne would reign for only 1,083 days before disaster engulfed her, and yet in that short time she would enlarge the role of queenâ. âEnlarge the role of queenâ⊠to what, exactly? How did Anne âenlargeâ the role when she did what queens already did? Previous queens consistently did more than Anne did or expressed a desire to do, and ofc. a fundamental element of that is their status relative to hers, but we simply have a lack of evidence to argue that Anne did anything to âenlargeâ the role of queen. More importantly, I really donât think we can credit Anne for âenlargingâ the role of queen, when Henry would ultimately retaliate and suppress his future wivesâ power and ultimately limit their role â the opposite of the legacy Hunting the Falcon is attempting to credit Anne with. The above quote literally references the fact that Anne did not reign very long⊠because Henry VIII killed her â the first anointed queen consort to be executed. And in the short time she did reign, I simply think the book fails to prove that she did more than what was conventional for queens at the time, and instead relies on simply telling us the typical âtrue-ismsâ: that she was uniquely ambitious, and ideologically driven, and politically involved.
âThe status of a queen as royal consort, and the ways that status should be expressed ceremonially, were well understood before the reign of Queen Mary I, and despite the various assaults on the dignity of the office by Henry VIII. [âŠ] In brief, a queen had long functioned âboth as an agent and as a symbol of royaltyâ. She was, indeed, the sharer of royal power.â â Judith M. Richards, Mary Tudor as âSole Queneâ?: Gendering Tudor Monarchy â[âŠ] while Henry VIII did return to the medieval norm by having his first two wives crowned at the first available opportunity, after 1533 he reverted to the example of his father. [âŠ] Henry VIIIâs first wife had occasionally outshone him, his second wife argued with him, and his third was reminded ânot to meddle in his affairsâ, lest she meet the fate of the last queen who had debated with him. He had no interest in elevating his wife through a public ceremony which gave her an identity that was uniquely special. In the final decade of his life, the greatest attribute Henry prized in his wives was an obedience as total as he expected from his subjects.â â Gareth Russell, Young and Damned and Fair â[âŠ] scholarsâ proclivity to regard queens as politically marginal is based on modern, gendered misunderstandings of medieval monarchy. [âŠ] Queens were not some marginal also-rans but political figures in their own right, especially when the definition of political work is not limited by modern definitions but is expanded to include actions such as patronage, pious church work, informal diplomacy, and intercession. It is time to stop seeing queens as apolitical or politically active queens as exceptional: âthe question is not whether women exercise power; it is how and whyâ.â â Kristen L. Geaman, Anne of Bohemia (Lives of Royal Women)
âshe [Anne] envisaged a mould-breaking role for herself. Unlike Catherine, she never intended to sit quietly in her own apartments sewing her husbandâs shirts. As early as December 1530, she hired a shirt maker. She was not prepared to while away her time in her privy chamber, to be paraded on state occasions or to be a gentle feminine presence, a foil to her husbandâs masculinity. [...] Now she wanted to set herself apart from her predecessors, to associate herself with everything new and to exercise power on her own account. Passionate about religion, education and poor relief, she wanted to change England.â
â Julia Fox & John Guy, Hunting the Falcon
VERSUS
âFar from being the tender-hearted queen content to stay in the background with her sewing and her prayers, which is how myth so frequently portrays her, the real Catherine [of Aragon] was heavily involved in political affairs whenever the chance arose. A couple of years after Prince Henryâs death, that chance was there as, urged on by Ferdinand, war with France loomed again. The Venetian ambassador, Andrea Badoer, was left in no doubt just how important and influential she was as plans took shape, for she even asked him the monthly cost of Venetian galleys. Shrewdly assessing the likelihood of outright war against France, Badoer reported that the king was âbent on warâ, the Council was âaverse to itâ, but âthe Queen wills itâ. Badoer leaves us in no doubt as to who would get their way.â
â Julia Fox, Sister Queens
I don't mean to disparage Julia Fox or John Guy â both of whom have produced work I really highly regard â but the argument that Anne's queenship was exceptional, on some sort of ideological level, is too common, as is. She didn't do anything distinctive or unique â queenship just looks more empowering on Anne because of a false idea that queenship meant nothing prior to Anne. The reality is that late medieval queenship was inherently political, that these women did (and were expected to do) numerous things within their role.
The above quote, positing Anne's predecessors' position as âa gentle feminine presenceâ is a huge oversimplification â if queens were the feminine power to masculine power, that still positioned them as one half of a dual role. As Joanna Laynesmith has put it: âall queens had the potential to make their husband's kingship more whole [âŠ] often hinging upon a need for a female element in even the most male structuresâ. Indeed, it was the queen, through the function of her marriage (symbolic, religious, and practical), who was integral to âconfirming and representing the legitimacy of her husbandâs kingshipâ.
However, queenship was more than that. Queens were land-owners managing numerous estates across their territories â which, as Michele Seah and Katia Wright have pointed out: âthe lands themselves enabled the queen to build and maintain a power baseâ. Queens interceded with the king (and others) â which served many functions, both politically but also in symbolically positioning queens as merciful; as Laynesmith has summarised, âthe queenâs traditional role as intercessor had also long been connected with the Virgin Mary. The notion of queen as intercessor - mercy in opposition to the king as judgementâ. Queens were active in alms-giving and charitable works â which Michelle Beer has pointed out were also intended to be seen: âqueenly acts, such as the distribution of alms at the queenâs gates, were witnessed by pre-modern individuals who understood these acts to be constitutive of the queenâs power and authorityâ. Queens founded schools/colleges. Queens were deeply significant agents for diplomacy, including arranging marriages and foreign networking. Queens fulfilled a significant function within ceremony and ritual: to, again, quote Laynesmith: âthe display and ritual celebration of kingship was one of the primary roles of the court, and the queen was expected to be present for crown-wearings, anniversaries of coronations, the ennoblement of peers, and the observance of religious festivals. Such celebrations might include festivities held in separate chambers for some part, if only to cope with the numbers present for banqueting, but a surviving description of several such occasions in Henry VIIâs reign reveals that the queen was most commonly at her husbandâs side. It was not only at such major feasts that they were together, but frequently for the reception of foreign ambassadors or papal legatesâ. Queens were effectively the âhostessâ of the royal court, with all the responsibilities that demanded. Queens commissioned works of art, establishing fashion trends, cultivated careers and influenced culture.
âQueens consort in late medieval and early modern England performed significant and essential court roles. Their subjects viewed them as exemplars of womanhood, providing models for their female subjects to follow [âŠ] Giving birth to royal heirs remained, of course, their most important familial duty [âŠ] The consortsâ other important roles included appointing numerous officials to handle household and financial administration; collecting honorable female attendants; supervising various family matters; relying on churchmen and almoners for spiritual support; patronizing individuals; both lay and religious; participating in various royal rituals; and attending to other public duties, such as acting as intercessors or regents.â â Retha Warnicke, Elizabeth of York and her Six Daughters-in-Law
And, to some extent, Fox&Guy are aware of this â because here is how they summarise Elizabeth of Yorkâs queenship: âElizabeth was as cultured, intelligent and sophisticated as she was beautiful. Affectionate, accessible, charming, a peacemaker, she brought harmony to the royal family and was the perfect counterpoise to her distant, dispassionate husbandâ. But it seems clear that they are heavily relying on caricatures of Henryâs parents, as they strictly characterise Henry VIII as obsessed with finding his mother in his wives, so the recognition of Elizabeth of York as âaccessible, a peacemakerâ and as a âperfect counterpoiseâ to the king seems, I would argue, accidental.
Especially because the book also argues that Anne was learning revolutionary ideas about female agency and power in the Low Countries and, later, France: âLouise and Marguerite resoundingly gave the lie to those who believed that women had no place in the government and politics of a patriarchal society [âŠ] her [Anneâs] experiences helped to transform her outlook and her life. She could contrast them to the way that women were not regarded as political actors in Englandâ. But this strictly ignores how politically involved royal women were during the Wars of the Roses. Certainly, there were gendered limitations, and queens occupied an inherently contradictory position: they were to be âexemplars of womanhoodâ, yet their position placed them in a more masculine position (as landowners, regents etc.). Consider Helen Maurerâs point: âthe gender system in which Margaret [of Anjou] lived theoretically denied that a woman could ever hold political authority. At the same time, however, it permitted and even encouraged women to act in ways that had political consequences; this was most true for the queen. This uneasy duality made transgression possibleâ. Yet Anne did not do anything that uniquely challenged this capacity, and nor does the book really engage with this nuance whilst making claims that Anneâs queenship was, indeed, unique.
It feels like the book makes the argument that Anne was distinctly political, both in her own right, and because of her relationship with Henry VIII, but the reality is queens were previously expected to act alongside and even above others of the kings agents â again, to quote Laynesmith: âqueens were expected to engage on an equal, or ever superior, footing with some of the kingâs principal officials in administering a substantial sector of the realmâ. The idea that Anneâs was an elevation of the role â that Catherine was less active by contrast â undermines the fact that the queenâs role was multifaceted and integral to monarchy, as court hostess, Marian wife/mother and intercessor, active in religious rituals and charity works ⊠all of which Catherine did (and, indeed, tried to keep doing after the divorce â Hunting the Falcon points out how Anne usurped the queenâs role in Maundy services from Catherine: âIt was the queenâs role to give them out, and by usurping Katherineâs function in this manner, Anne was making a pointâ.) And for as much as Anne might have had access to a âculturedâ French education, it wouldnât have been significantly more pro-âwomen in powerâ than had she stayed in England, and any progressions in that discourse were felt on both sides of channel as England had women in power AND access to relevant literature, too. Women such as Margaret Beaufort, Margaret of Anjou, Cecily Neville, Elizabeth Woodville should equally be regarded as potent and active in recent English memory.
Moreover, I don't feel like Fox&Guy, OR other authors & historians who perpetuate this true-ism ever prove that Anne did anything new or innovative as queen. The book argues she was the first to be involved in religious reform to such a degree and sure, Iâll give Anne that, and that is a fascinating component of Anne as an individual, but this is perhaps too much of a simplification. Anneâs desire to repurpose funds from religious houses to go towards poor relief effectively served to replace the loss of poor relief provided by religious houses pre-closures. This wasnât an addition or âelevationâ, but was a replacement. Can we fairly credit Anneâs queenship as âenlargedâ, when crediting her for the break from Rome likewise means her queenship was, by turns, more restrictive?
And these true-ism are actually problematic on the reverse, too. As much as I like Hunting the Falconâs general characterisation of Anne, it does insinuate that she was pushy, over-assertive, or difficult, which is a typical trend in her biography â âshe often could not comprehend how far she had crossed a boundary and would infuriate her husbandâ. However, if queenship gets properly considered as an active, political and agentic role, then Anneâs conduct should be recontextualised, and much of her behaviour that is characterised as âcrossing a boundaryâ as Fox&Guy put it, or as âtantrums and interference from a wife. Subservience was a word that had never been in Anne's vocabularyâ as Fox described Anne in a previous publication (Jane Boleyn), or as âincreasingly becoming waspishâ as Guy described Anne in a previous publication (Children of Henry VIII), should more accurately be accepted as Anne acting in accordance with her position. That Anneâs behaviour has not been regarded as legitimate stems from her queenship not being regarded as legitimate, when in actuality she seems to have performed her queenly duties acceptably. It is reductive, not just of other royal women, but of Anne, herself. Indeed, John Guy's limited understanding of queenship, and difficulties in accepting the period's acceptance of women in power, has been critiqued before, with Jacqueline Vanhoutte pointing out âwhen Guy describes the capable Sir Christopher Hatton as âan unctuous flattererâ for declaring âhimself to be Elizabeth [I]âs âeverlasting bondmanâ seemingly without a hint of hypocrisy,â he sounds nearly as outraged as a Vindice or a Hamletâ. She argues: âwhat Guy finds intolerable is not the possibility that Hatton was a hypocrite, but the possibility that he was not. Hatton loved the queen he served and believed in her superiorityâ; as clearly Guy's acceptance of the popularly assumed historical female inferiority superseded his ability to recognise the nuances of female power. This is arguably not the attitude that lends itself to a reasonable view of queenship in the sixteenth century.
Hello! Firstly: really love your blog. Secondly: I noticed one of your tags that stated that âHunting the Falconâs take on Anneâs queenship was nonsenseâ and now Iâm very intrigued. Could you possibly give an explanation as to why and how that is? I havenât read it yet, though I was planning to (Iâve enjoyed some of Julia Foxâs other booksâbut Iâd be very interested to hear a more critical opinion of her work, if you have any.) Thank you! Happy Holidays and happy new year:)
hey! đ
so I take issue with the sort of âAnne Boleyn true-ismsâ that predicate on elevating her above her female contemporaries, as I feel like they actually work to erase much of what defined queenship (and female agency as a whole) in the period. Hunting the Falcon, unfortunately, repeats some of these arguments in a way that I think is misrepresentative of late medieval/early modern queenship in England.
Simply put, the book argues that âAnne would reign for only 1,083 days before disaster engulfed her, and yet in that short time she would enlarge the role of queenâ. âEnlarge the role of queenâ⊠to what, exactly? How did Anne âenlargeâ the role when she did what queens already did? Previous queens consistently did more than Anne did or expressed a desire to do, and ofc. a fundamental element of that is their status relative to hers, but we simply have a lack of evidence to argue that Anne did anything to âenlargeâ the role of queen. More importantly, I really donât think we can credit Anne for âenlargingâ the role of queen, when Henry would ultimately retaliate and suppress his future wivesâ power and ultimately limit their role â the opposite of the legacy Hunting the Falcon is attempting to credit Anne with. The above quote literally references the fact that Anne did not reign very long⊠because Henry VIII killed her â the first anointed queen consort to be executed. And in the short time she did reign, I simply think the book fails to prove that she did more than what was conventional for queens at the time, and instead relies on simply telling us the typical âtrue-ismsâ: that she was uniquely ambitious, and ideologically driven, and politically involved.
âThe status of a queen as royal consort, and the ways that status should be expressed ceremonially, were well understood before the reign of Queen Mary I, and despite the various assaults on the dignity of the office by Henry VIII. [âŠ] In brief, a queen had long functioned âboth as an agent and as a symbol of royaltyâ. She was, indeed, the sharer of royal power.â â Judith M. Richards, Mary Tudor as âSole Queneâ?: Gendering Tudor Monarchy â[âŠ] while Henry VIII did return to the medieval norm by having his first two wives crowned at the first available opportunity, after 1533 he reverted to the example of his father. [âŠ] Henry VIIIâs first wife had occasionally outshone him, his second wife argued with him, and his third was reminded ânot to meddle in his affairsâ, lest she meet the fate of the last queen who had debated with him. He had no interest in elevating his wife through a public ceremony which gave her an identity that was uniquely special. In the final decade of his life, the greatest attribute Henry prized in his wives was an obedience as total as he expected from his subjects.â â Gareth Russell, Young and Damned and Fair â[âŠ] scholarsâ proclivity to regard queens as politically marginal is based on modern, gendered misunderstandings of medieval monarchy. [âŠ] Queens were not some marginal also-rans but political figures in their own right, especially when the definition of political work is not limited by modern definitions but is expanded to include actions such as patronage, pious church work, informal diplomacy, and intercession. It is time to stop seeing queens as apolitical or politically active queens as exceptional: âthe question is not whether women exercise power; it is how and whyâ.â â Kristen L. Geaman, Anne of Bohemia (Lives of Royal Women)
âshe [Anne] envisaged a mould-breaking role for herself. Unlike Catherine, she never intended to sit quietly in her own apartments sewing her husbandâs shirts. As early as December 1530, she hired a shirt maker. She was not prepared to while away her time in her privy chamber, to be paraded on state occasions or to be a gentle feminine presence, a foil to her husbandâs masculinity. [...] Now she wanted to set herself apart from her predecessors, to associate herself with everything new and to exercise power on her own account. Passionate about religion, education and poor relief, she wanted to change England.â
â Julia Fox & John Guy, Hunting the Falcon
VERSUS
âFar from being the tender-hearted queen content to stay in the background with her sewing and her prayers, which is how myth so frequently portrays her, the real Catherine [of Aragon] was heavily involved in political affairs whenever the chance arose. A couple of years after Prince Henryâs death, that chance was there as, urged on by Ferdinand, war with France loomed again. The Venetian ambassador, Andrea Badoer, was left in no doubt just how important and influential she was as plans took shape, for she even asked him the monthly cost of Venetian galleys. Shrewdly assessing the likelihood of outright war against France, Badoer reported that the king was âbent on warâ, the Council was âaverse to itâ, but âthe Queen wills itâ. Badoer leaves us in no doubt as to who would get their way.â
â Julia Fox, Sister Queens
Hello! Firstly: really love your blog. Secondly: I noticed one of your tags that stated that âHunting the Falconâs take on Anneâs queenship was nonsenseâ and now Iâm very intrigued. Could you possibly give an explanation as to why and how that is? I havenât read it yet, though I was planning to (Iâve enjoyed some of Julia Foxâs other booksâbut Iâd be very interested to hear a more critical opinion of her work, if you have any.) Thank you! Happy Holidays and happy new year:)
hey! đ
so I take issue with the sort of âAnne Boleyn true-ismsâ that predicate on elevating her above her female contemporaries, as I feel like they actually work to erase much of what defined queenship (and female agency as a whole) in the period. Hunting the Falcon, unfortunately, repeats some of these arguments in a way that I think is misrepresentative of late medieval/early modern queenship in England.
Simply put, the book argues that âAnne would reign for only 1,083 days before disaster engulfed her, and yet in that short time she would enlarge the role of queenâ. âEnlarge the role of queenâ⊠to what, exactly? How did Anne âenlargeâ the role when she did what queens already did? Previous queens consistently did more than Anne did or expressed a desire to do, and ofc. a fundamental element of that is their status relative to hers, but we simply have a lack of evidence to argue that Anne did anything to âenlargeâ the role of queen. More importantly, I really donât think we can credit Anne for âenlargingâ the role of queen, when Henry would ultimately retaliate and suppress his future wivesâ power and ultimately limit their role â the opposite of the legacy Hunting the Falcon is attempting to credit Anne with. The above quote literally references the fact that Anne did not reign very long⊠because Henry VIII killed her â the first anointed queen consort to be executed. And in the short time she did reign, I simply think the book fails to prove that she did more than what was conventional for queens at the time, and instead relies on simply telling us the typical âtrue-ismsâ: that she was uniquely ambitious, and ideologically driven, and politically involved.
âThe status of a queen as royal consort, and the ways that status should be expressed ceremonially, were well understood before the reign of Queen Mary I, and despite the various assaults on the dignity of the office by Henry VIII. [âŠ] In brief, a queen had long functioned âboth as an agent and as a symbol of royaltyâ. She was, indeed, the sharer of royal power.â â Judith M. Richards, Mary Tudor as âSole Queneâ?: Gendering Tudor Monarchy â[âŠ] while Henry VIII did return to the medieval norm by having his first two wives crowned at the first available opportunity, after 1533 he reverted to the example of his father. [âŠ] Henry VIIIâs first wife had occasionally outshone him, his second wife argued with him, and his third was reminded ânot to meddle in his affairsâ, lest she meet the fate of the last queen who had debated with him. He had no interest in elevating his wife through a public ceremony which gave her an identity that was uniquely special. In the final decade of his life, the greatest attribute Henry prized in his wives was an obedience as total as he expected from his subjects.â â Gareth Russell, Young and Damned and Fair â[âŠ] scholarsâ proclivity to regard queens as politically marginal is based on modern, gendered misunderstandings of medieval monarchy. [âŠ] Queens were not some marginal also-rans but political figures in their own right, especially when the definition of political work is not limited by modern definitions but is expanded to include actions such as patronage, pious church work, informal diplomacy, and intercession. It is time to stop seeing queens as apolitical or politically active queens as exceptional: âthe question is not whether women exercise power; it is how and whyâ.â â Kristen L. Geaman, Anne of Bohemia (Lives of Royal Women)
One of the best things you can do as an academic with institutional access is to regularly ask ppl outside if they need or want anything. Like youâre going to the grocery store. Then just download stuff and share it! Stick your own paywalled work on academia.edu / on your website! Access to scholarship isnât zero sum. The more the merrier. Everyone deserves to read everything without borders or barriers.
something incredibly weird about the trope in alt!history AUs where coa's sons live to adulthood and âhenry duke of yorkâ is just an idealised copy of his father, with no connection to his mother âwhose position is completely ignored as she is reduced to broodmareâ primed to be shipped with anne boleyn...