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@medialawnorthernireland
The executive has a new top press officer. David Gordon, producer of Stephen Nolan’s radio show, is taking up the freshly-created £75,000 post of ‘executive press secretary’. His appointment by Arlene Foster and Martin McGuinness coincides with the retirement of Stephen Grimason, a former BBC journalist, as the executive’s ‘director of communications’. While newsrooms are agog at the poacher-turned-gamekeeper aspect of this story, the personalities involved are beside the point. It is the difference in job titles that matters. Grimason was a civil servant, while Gordon works directly for Foster and McGuinness. So executive spin may no longer require even the pretence of objectivity.
Newton Emerson (Here: http://www.irishnews.com/opinion/columnists/2016/09/17/news/flotilla-of-nama-inquiries-set-to-run-into-familiar-problem-696846/)
Once you take upon yourself the guilt for the misdeeds of your forefathers and swallow the republican claim to victimhood, it becomes impossible to condemn the IRA wholeheartedly. And the canny leaders of IRA-Sinn Fein were quick to exploit the BBC’s guilt complex about Northern Ireland. They were matchless exponents of the propaganda war.
Robin Aiken, ‘Can We Still Trust The BBC?’ (Here: http://brianjohnspencer.tumblr.com/post/150352227268/despised-tribes-chapter-9-of-can-we-still#_=_ (via brianjohnspencer)
Arlene Foster and Sinn Féin finance minister Máirtín Ó Muilleoir have both been largely unavailable for comment on the Stormont witness coaching scandal - O Muilleoir for the whole of last weekend and Foster until yesterday. Holidays are the official reason. The finance minister was in the Basque Country, which is the Sinn Féin version of going to Spain, while the first minister was at an undisclosed location. Everyone deserves a break and in this age of instant communication that means being incommunicado. But how credible is that stance while still tweeting news and politics stories, as Ó Muilleoir did every few hours and Foster continues to do every day?
Newton Emerson, Irish News, August 27 2016 (Here: http://www.irishnews.com/opinion/columnists/2016/08/27/news/holidaying-politicians-can-t-stay-away-from-twitter-668371/)
Neither Sinn Féin nor the DUP has ever had a proper leadership contest: Gerry Adams came to power in a split and the unionists have always preferred coronations. Nevertheless, a few thousand or even a few hundred people of a like mind could exert significant influence over Stormont’s two ruling parties. The rise of Corbyn is seen as an outworking of social media, certainly by others in Labour, who have complained of Twitter mobs and Facebook echo chambers. They might as well complain about the weather. This is the way of the world now, with technology bringing small groups together and beguiling them into thinking they speak for a multitude. The difference in Northern Ireland is just how small a group can be and still take over a party for less than the effort of joining a sports club.
Newton Emerson (Here: http://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/newton-emerson-takeover-of-uk-labour-party-in-north-all-too-easy-1.2759390?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=twitter)
Politics is a ruthless and often dirty business and the cordial exchanges between a hard-line loyalist, who has in the past refused to condemn the UVF, and a Sinn Féin party member who appears to be acting as a 'conduit' for the committee chair, make for remarkable reading. 'The enemy of my enemy is my friend', springs to mind. Mr Robinson has now retired but his legacy has undoubtedly been affected by unproven allegations of financial corruption. Bryson's appearance before the finance committee remains the most watched committee meeting in the assembly.
Allison Morris (Here: http://www.irishnews.com/news/2016/08/18/news/background-to-box-office-evidence-session-political-dynamite-657230/)
The unionist-loyalist community is part of the overall Troubles story, but appears relatively invisible in terms of TV and film, beyond documentaries and television news. In one sense, this is partly their own fault. Television and radio journalists will tell you that, when it comes to public events, demonstrations, parades, marches, or funerals, they dread covering loyalist gatherings, because of the hostility and menace connected with them. Republicans, by contrast, go out of their way to facilitate the media, which they believe they can manipulate to get their message to the world across. This extends beyond hostile, often threatening, attitudes toward journalists and camera operators and seeps into a wider indifference towards how unionism/loyalism is portrayed in other art forms. It is telling that the most important dramatist to emerge from the Ulster Protestant working-class since the ceasefires, Gary Mitchell, cannot return to his own community, because he wrote a few uncomfortable truths about it in his plays. Moreover, it is bitterly ironic that the greatest drama ever written where the central characters are young, working-class unionists was written by a Donegal Catholic... There are nightly attacks on Orange halls across Northern Ireland, which are nothing more than cultural vandalism against a section of the Protestant/unionist/loyalist community. To their credit, nationalist politicians - up to and including the deputy First Minister, Martin McGuinness - have condemned the attacks on Orange property. It is time, however, that others in civil society - from the arts to human rights groups - speak out more forthrightly about these continued attacks. And for the community at the sharp end of this cultural vandalism, there have to be voices inside who have stories to tell, films to make, documentaries to produce, poems to pen. There is virgin territory to explore when it comes to the Ulster loyalist experience beyond the trenches of the Western Front, or even the conflict zones of the Troubles.
Henry McDonald (Here: http://m.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/opinion/news-analysis/bobby-sands-documentary-has-a-vital-piece-missingvoice-of-the-loyalist-community-34951978.html)
Left-wing unions despise the free press and the National Union of Journalists is no exception. It squares this circle by lecturing members against “hatred and discrimination” - one of 12 points in its code of conduct but the one most guaranteed to get the comrades up in arms. Perhaps the union's Belfast branch thought it was upholding this principle when it tweeted that loyalist blogger Jamie Bryson is “not a journalist” and “is not and has never been a member of Belfast & District branch of the NUJ.” In fact, Bryson has joined the NUJ and fully qualifies for membership, via his blogging and other writing. There is still a procedure to go through to affiliate him to a branch but that does not explain why Belfast would not accept him, let alone why it has publicly renounced him. Could this be some form of discrimination?
Newton Emerson (Here: http://www.irishnews.com/opinion/columnists/2016/08/06/news/why-does-one-more-cross-border-body-matter-to-dup--638130/)
A DUP-commissioned report into Northern Ireland’s libel laws has recommended that 2013 Westminster reforms be substantially adopted in Northern Ireland, after being mysteriously blocked by former DUP finance minister Sammy Wilson. The finance portfolio is now in the hands of Sinn Fein’s Mairtin Ó Muilleoir, who might be expected to look more favourably on the issue, having just been reappointed as a director of a Belfast-based newspaper group. However, nothing can be done without the DUP’s cooperation and there is no sign of the party recanting its unexplained objection. In any case, the enthusiasm of newspapers for libel reform is overstated. Westminster’s 2013 law is primarily about protecting science, academia and high-tech industry. As none of those sectors in Northern Ireland have had the guts to put up much of a fight, they deserve all they get.
Newton Emerson, July 23 2016 (Here: http://www.irishnews.com/opinion/columnists/2016/07/23/news/theresa-may-makes-intriguing-appointment-to-nio-617422/)
Don't just post on Facebook... it has fuck all effect folks.
John Barry (Here: https://www.facebook.com/john.barry.568/posts/10153864995722515)
It mattered that southern readers saw stories from Belfast on the front page of the [the Irish Times] most influential newspaper day after day.
Fionnuala O Connor, 2006 (here)
The language used to describe responsibility for the violence of the Troubles has always been a political battlefield.
Steven McCaffery (Here: http://www.thedetail.tv/articles/state-collusion-in-northern-ireland-and-how-downing-street-has-known-for-decades)
But you would imagine coming the day after the Loughinisland announcement by the Police Ombudsman, Dr. Michael Maguire, you would have imagined that this would have had more coverage – would have been prioritised - pushed up to the top of the news line in the Northern news – it wasn't. I think that the public were badly serviced yesterday.
Anthony McIntyre (Here: http://thepensivequill.am/2016/06/stakeknife-at-heart-of-british-state.html?m=0)
Identifying suspects who have not been charged with any offence is a matter of considerable controversy between police and the press, becoming more so since the Leveson Inquiry examined the case of Bristol landlord Christopher Jeffries, effectively tried and convicted by the tabloids of a murder he had nothing to do with.
Newton Emerson (Here: http://www.irishnews.com/opinion/columnists/2016/06/09/news/psni-s-attempt-to-stop-the-presses-raises-questions-552295/)
Last month, I listened as former President Bill Clinton delivered the inaugural lecture for the Hume-O’Neill Chair in Peace Studies at the University of Ulster Magee Campus in Derry, Northern Ireland. Clinton’s address conveyed a simple, yet powerful, message: Northern Ireland has made enormous strides in the peace and reconciliation process, but the job is still not finished. These words not only resonated throughout Northern Ireland, they have taken on considerable meaning for the United States — and specifically for the City of Boston. Boston College is immersed in a complex legal battle with the British government over the Belfast Tapes, an academic oral history project that has been tragically compromised as a result of Northern Irish political infighting and a misguided hunt for criminal justice. Boston College commenced the Belfast Tapes project in 2001, appointing former IRA volunteer and prisoner Anthony McIntyre as the interviewer and Ed Moloney, a journalist with deep ties to both sides of the conflict, as the supervisor. With the Belfast Tapes, Boston College sought to intertwine modern academia and the college’s Irish roots to document the Troubles and the peace process of Northern Ireland. In February of 2010, former IRA paramilitary Dolours Price gave interviews with Irish media in which she revealed that she had participated in the Belfast Project, and told them that she and current Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams were involved in the 1972 abduction and murder of Belfast mother of 10, Jean McConville. This admission quickly sparked a series of subpoenas issued to Boston College by the US Department of Justice on behalf of the United Kingdom in May and August of 2011, requesting the tapes and transcripts for use in criminal investigations.
Thomas P O’Neill III (Here: https://thebrokenelbow.com/2016/06/09/did-the-psni-arrest-winkie-rea-because-of-this-op-ed-column/)
Ed Moloney - The belief was that the old RUC danced to political tunes. The PSNI was supposed to be different and better. But is it?
Ed Moloney wrote on his blog:
“On April 29th, 2014, the day before Gerry Adams was arrested by the PSNI and held for questioning for a week about the murder and ‘disappearance’ of Jean McConville, Thomas P O’Neill III published an Op-Ed in The Boston Globe asking critical and pertinent questions about British motives for invading the Belfast Project oral history archives at Boston College.
In the course of that commentary he wrote this sentence:
"…..why, when both sides in the Troubles were guilty of so much wrongdoing, is the British prosecution seemingly intent on only pursuing crimes allegedly committed by only one side?”
And he went on:
“…..the investigation smacks of political motivation. Of the scores of murders committed during the Troubles, the British government is seeking only to investigate that of Jean McConville in what can be construed as an attempt to implicate Gerry Adams and jeopardize his current position within the Irish parliament….. Is the British demand for documents, and its search for alleged wrongdoing, driven as much by the politics of Ireland today as it is by the search for justice for past crimes?”“
Then Moloney wrote:
"I must confess to having mixed feelings about his Op-Ed. There is much about it to be liked. He praises the Belfast project for its candour and relevance and correctly identifies the exposing of Dolours Price as a BC interviewee – done by Ciaran Barnes in The Sunday Life c/o Allison Morris in The Irish News – as the spark for the British/PSNI subpoenas.
But his criticism of the one-sided nature of the PSNI action – aimed only at the IRA figures allegedly involved in the McConville disappearance – filled me with concern, as did the depiction of the conflict as being between ‘two sides’, as if the British did not have a dog in the fight.
It was a criticism I had heard frequently from Irish-America, where there is a tendency to paint issues in Ireland in simple, clashing sectarian colours and it led to a conclusion that further endangered the archive – and that I could not accept.”
He continued:
“What O’Neill was saying was this: ‘…the British are only going for Adams and ignoring the Loyalists’. This was a common refrain in Irish-America from the outset and the answer to their concern was disarmingly simple: ‘If the PSNI would only go for Loyalists and something other than the McConville affair then we’d be okay with this thing.’
A day after the O’Neill Op-Ed appeared in The Boston Globe, Gerry Adams was arrested and, as horrified supporters of the new dispensation on both sides of the Atlantic watched helplessly, the Good Friday Agreement teetered at the edge of a long drop.
In the days following Adams’ release, the PSNI announced a radical change of direction. With Thomas P O’Neill’s criticism ringing in their ears the force let it be known that its detectives would now try to obtain all the interviews lodged at Boston College.
And then they moved against Winston ‘Winkie’ Rea, the first Loyalist targeted in this saga. This, it should be noted, was some four years after Dolours Price was targeted by a PSNI subpoena.”
He finished:
“Now the PSNI are aiming at the lead IRA researcher, Anthony McIntyre. This is a man who has never hid or lied about his paramilitary past (he describes himself on his own blog as ‘a former IRA Volunteer’, for goodness sake! Will this now be cited as supporting evidence if prosecutors bring a membership charge against him?). His often biting criticism of the Provos rests not at all on their abandonment of violence but rather their political dishonesty and all the wasted, blighted lives they had fostered.
I cannot remember a great deal about his interviews with BC (except I know they do not at all warrant a British seal of secrecy!) but one thing did lodge in my memory, and that was the several times that he passionately abhorred and rejected the use of violence for political ends. He didn’t have to do that but he wanted future historians to hear his words.
So what message is the PSNI sending by pursuing Anthony McIntyre? Is it this: ‘Even if you reject violence and argue against those who insist on its use, like the dissidents, as McIntyre has, that doesn’t matter, we’re still coming for you’? Is this the PSNI’s contribution to the new Northern Ireland? And for what purpose?
Another troubling question demands a more immediate answer: ‘Did the PSNI pursue ‘Winkie’ Rea and then Anthony McIntyre not for conventional policing reasons, not because some long standing investigation demanded it, but for political convenience, viz. in order to mollify powerful & influential Irish-Americans concerned that the force was unduly targeting Gerry Adams and harming the Good Friday Agreement?’
The Troubles in Northern Ireland had many parents. Among them was a belief that the old RUC danced to political tunes. The PSNI was supposed to be different and better. But is it?”
See in full here: https://thebrokenelbow.com/
The Irish News experience shows that public discussion of legacy cases which has gone on for forty years will not easily be suppressed by the usual constraints of further legal inquiry.
Brian Walker, Slugger O'Toole (Here: http://sluggerotoole.com/2016/06/11/kingsmill-loughinisland-stakeknife-new-disclosure-on-collusion-has-begun-that-the-state-cant-control-and-must-answer/)