The region is nearing a threshold beyond which its forests may be replaced by grasslands, with huge repercussions for biodiversity and climate change.
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The region is nearing a threshold beyond which its forests may be replaced by grasslands, with huge repercussions for biodiversity and climate change.
BR-163 highway x Ferrograo railroad
Between May and July 2020, two auction projects arrived at the Federal Court of Accounts (TCU): the concessions for the BR-163 highway and the EF-170 railway. In common the same aim: to improve the flow of grains through northern Brazil. After TCU verify the bidding documents, if there are no impediments, the auction will take place in early 2021. Although the projects serve the same purpose, they remain antagonistic in their implementation.
BR-163 was opened towards the Amazon in the 1970s, connecting Cuiabá in Mato Grosso State to Santarém in Pará State. In reality this was the section that connected the Midwest to the North, but the highway continues towards the South country (there is even a road route between Porto Alegre and Santarém, a 76 hours journey). Since its conception, the objective was to establish a way to transport agricultural products, which would be exported through the ports of Pará.
Completed in 1976, the highway had no paving. Only sections close to cities were paved over the years, others were fragments of dirt road, gravel and mud during the rainy season. In the 1990s, paving was carried out by both contractors and the Army. Even so, in the early 2000s about 80% of the highway in Pará was unpaved.
In the last 10 years there has been an advance in the works, culminating in the announcement of the total paving between the Mato Grosso-Pará border and the district of Miritituba, where there are terminals for loading soybeans. As is commonly the case with paving works, asphalt is not of the best quality, services are rushed, the load capacity is not adequate for the flow. It has been seen in the stretches already paved the appearance of holes and sinking of the track (June, July, August and September 2020).
The years of paving and maintenance have proved that it is expensive to maintain a 970 km extension in good condition, without any budget specifically dedicated to this. Thus, the Federal Government came up with the idea of granting private companies the administration of the highway, precisely on the most important segment for grain producers.
According to the Ministry of Infrastructure: “The concession term will be 10 years and the criterion for the auction will be the lowest rate, that is, whoever offers the highest discount on the referential rate (R$ 8.97 per 100 Km) wins. About R$ 1.89 billion in private investment and another R$ 1.02 billion in operating costs and expenses are expected. An additional 35 km of lane, 30 km of marginal roads, 173 km of extension and 187 accesses must be implemented, including a new entrance to the ports of Miritituba ”. One and a half year after the start of the contract, all paving must be completed. Considering the time that will pass between the auction and the beginning of the works, it is assumed that the road will not be in good traffic conditions. In five years, the concessionaire will have to build additional lanes, shoulders, bridges and marginal roads. Investments are significant for a work that is expected to return to the Government in 10 years, or stay on private equity in a extended contract.
With the highway paved the grain transport capacity is expected to double in five years. This will imply an increase in trucks traveling northwards, instead of going to ports in the south of the country. Undoubtedly, the improvement of the highway is an incentive for the transport of goods by road. But at the same time, the Government is adhering to the railway modal.
The idea of a railroad connecting the center to the north of Brazil already existed in the 19th century. The conference O Valle do Tapajós (1925), by Raymundo Brazil, mentions that in 1895 the Study Committee for the General Road Plan considered the Cuiabá-Santarém link to be a strategic commercial axis, as valuable as the Central Railway.
Since 2013, the project for a railroad to transport grain from Mato Grosso to Pará has been discussed. The idea came from the soybean producers who proposed it to the Government. There was a forecast of eliminating the use of trucks to transport grain, via BR-163, in the year 2030.
Ferrogrão, or Railroad 170 (EF-170), was classified as a public enterprise with private investment in 2016. Feasibility studies were produced by a group of grain transport companies. The modeling was conducted by the Empresa de Planejamento e Logística (a state company).
The railroad will depart from the city of SINOP (Mato Grosso) to the district of Miritituba, municipality of Itaituba (Pará), reaching 933 Km. Investments of at least R$ 8 billion are expected, which should be offset by a reduction of R$ 19,2 billion in freight costs compared to the highway. The concession term is 65 years.
The implementation of the railroad would be an opportunity for grain traders to take over transport logistics and no longer depend on individual cargo transporters. In addition, it redirects the flow of production from the southern ports to the northern ports of the country. Currently, 50% of the logistics are via the northern arc.
When installed, the EF-170 will bring high transport capacity and competitiveness to the northern logistics corridor. The project will ease traffic conditions on BR-163 highway, reducing the flow of heavy trucks and reducing maintenance costs.
Thus, an apparent antithesis is posed: a railway is designed literally parallel to a road axis that will be expanded. This contradiction was pointed out in the September 2020 Report of the Climate Policy Initiative, from PUC-Rio:
“In fact, Ferrogrão would be associated with logistics that ignores the most recent movements both in the railway sphere - with the implantation of the Central-West Integration Railway (FICO), modernization and expansion of the central section of the North-South, and extension of Ferronorte to Lucas do Rio Verde - as the modernization and eventual addition of the third lane of the BR-163 / MT / PA. Failure to consider the costs and benefits of its paving (currently completed) and the expansion of its capacity vis-à-vis the construction of Ferrogrão were not properly addressed. The concession for the highway - within an atypical 10-year period - indicates a vulnerability equally not contemplated in the Ferrogrão project to the competition of that highway ”.
Unlike the last 50 years, southwestern Pará may have an overload of road logistics. Both modals - road and rail - would improve grain transport. But there is uncertainty as to whether the two projects, carried out at the same time, will be complementary or adverse.
Image: Midiamax
Amazonia Cartográfica: Sesión 2 — La cartografía histórica, alcances y limitaciones
Second session of the Cartographic Amazon course: tierras calientes, ignorant havens, and geographic speeches. This deals with historical cartography and is presented by Prof. Jorge Pimentel Cintra from Brazil.
Panorama of forest cover in Pan Amazonia, 1985-2018
Natalia Calderón, member of FAN (Friends of the Naturaleza Foundation / Bolivia) and RAISG Amazon Geo-Referenced Socio-Environmental Information Network) presents (at 32 minutes) some data on the evolution of vegetation cover in Panamazonia between 1985-2018. The statistics were collected from the MapBiomas platform. Here is a summary of her speech:
The region lost 69.2 million hectares of forest, a decrease from 84% to 76% of forest cover. The greatest loss occurred in Brazil, an decrease of 62.4 million hectares;
On average, the loss of forest cover is 2 million ha / year. With a sharp loss from 2010;
Between 1985-2018 Natural Protected Areas lost 4% of their area, while Indigenous Lands lost 3%.
Forest degradation is a ubiquitous form of human disturbance of the forest landscape. Activities such as selective logging and extraction fall short of total deforestation but lead to loss of biomass and/or fragmentation. On the basis of remote sensing data at 30-meter spatial resolution, Matricardi et al. analyzed the extent of forest degradation across the entire Brazilian Amazon over a ∼22-year period up to 2014. They found that the extent and rate of forest degradation was equal to or greater than deforestation, which has important implications for carbon, biodiversity, and energy balance. Science , this issue p. [1378][1] Although deforestation rates in the Brazilian Amazon are well known, the extent of the area affected by forest degradation is a notable data gap, with implications for conservation biology, carbon cycle science, and international policy. We generated a long-term spatially quantified assessment of forest degradation for the entire Brazilian Amazon from 1992 to 2014. We measured and mapped the full range of activities that degrade forests and evaluated the relationship with deforestation. From 1992 to 2014, the total area of degraded forest was 337,427 square kilometers (km2), compared with 308,311 km2 that were deforested. Forest degradation is a separate and increasing form of forest disturbance, and the area affected is now greater than that due to deforestation. [1]: /lookup/doi/10.1126/science.abb3021
Abstract
Although deforestation rates in the Brazilian Amazon are well known, the extent of the area affected by forest degradation is a notable data gap, with implications for conservation biology, carbon cycle science, and international policy. We generated a long-term spatially quantified assessment of forest degradation for the entire Brazilian Amazon from 1992 to 2014. We measured and mapped the full range of activities that degrade forests and evaluated the relationship with deforestation. From 1992 to 2014, the total area of degraded forest was 337,427 square kilometers (km2), compared with 308,311 km2 that were deforested. Forest degradation is a separate and increasing form of forest disturbance, and the area affected is now greater than that due to deforestation.
> Eraldo Aparecido Trondoli Matricardi, David Lewis Skole, Olívia Bueno Costa, Marcos Antonio Pedlowski, Jay Howard Samek, Eder Pereira Miguel ~ Science 11 Sep 2020: Vol. 369, Issue 6509
Download
Application for monitoring secondary forest
IMAZON launched a tool to monitor the growth of secondary forest in all municipalities in the state of Pará, Brazil, between 1986 and 2017. FloreSer application generates a data layer with the age of the secondary forest cover over a map of the region. The data are also presented in graph form, oppose the area of vegetation in Km2 and its development time. The tool makes it possible to verify that the natural regeneration of deforested areas occurs without hindrance. Newly deforested areas can be converted to pasture or remain degraded. Precisely among this vegetation degraded by fire, more likely to burn in a new season of wildfires, where there will be forest succession.
For Novo Progresso in 2017, most secondary forest had up to five years of growth, indicating increased deforestation in the 2012-2016 period.
El Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones – IMANI de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia Sede Amazonia, con apoyo de la Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, el Centro Cultural Leticia del Banco de la República de Colombia, la Red Razón Cartográfica, el Laboratorio Digital de Arquitectura y Urbanismo y el Grupo de Estudios Transfronterizos, invitan a participar en el curso de extensión AMAZONIA CARTOGRÁFICA. TIERRAS CALIENTES, PARAÍSOS IGNOTOS Y DISCURSOS GEOGRÁFICOS. Este espacio académico tiene como objetivo realizar una lectura crítica de la historia y geografía de la región amazónica, a partir del estudio de la cartografía y otras formas de representación visual, desde las primeras visiones europeas hasta las apuestas más contemporáneas que retrataron la región amazónica. Este espacio es de libre inscripción, totalmente gratuito. Se realizará los días jueves entre 16:00 y 18:00 horas (horario Colombia), entre el 27 de agosto al 3 de diciembre del año en curso. Contaremos con 25 conferencistas invitados expertos en temáticas asociadas a la historia de la cartografía y la cartografía amazónica.
Registration: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScRwx4hvkTBEzzBPR_LKQW4qpt_JuBi-L4H41jHmhqCw-jPhw/viewform
Programme: https://pdfhost.io/v/cvQbL10U4_PROGRAMA_Curso_de_Extensin_Amazonia_Cartogrficacurso_de_cartografapdf.pdf
This week's The Economist reports that gold and copper prices are on the rise. In this year of COVID-19 investors doubt a consistent economic recovery in Brazil and the USA (not to mention the countries that expect a second wave of contamination). So there is a demand for more stable financial assets.
The rise of gold has been happening since 2016 and focuses on signs of recession in the USA. The magazine reports that between 2018 and 2019 the price of gold rose 25%. In the first half of this year alone, gold investment funds traded $ 40 billion.
This appreciation of the metal moves the producing markets, whether legal or illegal. Brazil is the world's 11th exporter of this substance, only in 2018 did it send 95 Tons abroad, most of the production takes place in the Midwest and Southeast of the country, at least officially.
Some of the Brazilian gold, it is not known how much exactly, comes from several illegal gold mines spread in the states of the Amazon; the activity has driven the economy of small towns for decades. This parallel extraction has no environmental or financial control.
Despite the annihilation of areas smaller than cattle farms, gold mining has influenced the increase in deforestation, especially when there is a good profitability during the valorization of gold. In addition to uncontrolled deforestation and river pollution, illegal mining is beyond financial regulation. Today there is no electronic system for the acquisition of gold, when this metal comes from small-scale mining. This generates fraud and makes it easy for the mineral to leave the country, without knowing how much is lost in taxes.
This so-called gold rush is not new, it has accompanied the oscillations of the world economy. Also it won’t be a surprise the increase of new mining areas in the coming months. At a time of economic downturn, it does not seem reasonable to watch the waste of natural and financial resources; control mechanisms must be employed to reverse tax evasion and the decomposition of the environment.
Image: Serra Pelada, das Gold und die Hoffnung - Peter Frey & Romeo Rey
Summary The increasingly polarized international political arena, it has become difficult to find common ground to solve Brazil's ongoing environmental crisis, which has global as well as local implications. International buyers of Brazil's agricultural commodities have raised concerns about products that are contaminated by deforestation (i.e., deforestation occurred during the process of producing the product). European Union (EU) criticism of the Brazilian government bolsters demands to boycott Brazilian products and to withhold ratification of the trade agreement reached in 2019 between the EU and Mercosur, the South American trade bloc. Among the concerns is that increasing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from deforestation and forest fires in Brazil could cancel out EU climate change mitigation efforts. The Brazilian government and agribusiness contend that national laws ensure high conservation standards, and hence trading bans should not include legally authorized deforestation. Here, we address the interlinkage between illegal deforestation in the Amazon and Cerrado—the largest Brazilian biomes with the highest rates of deforestation—and EU imports of Brazil's soy and beef, the country's major agricultural commodities. Although most of Brazil's agricultural output is deforestation-free, we find that 2% of properties in the Amazon and Cerrado are responsible for 62% of all potentially illegal deforestation and that roughly 20% of soy exports and at least 17% of beef exports from both biomes to the EU may be contaminated with illegal deforestation. Raising awareness is important to press Brazil to conserve its environmental assets and to promote international political will for cutting telecoupled GHG emissions. This could be achieved, for example, through the environmental safeguards of the Mercosur-EU trade agreement, which require EU imports to comply with the export country's legislation.
> Raoni Rajão, Britaldo Soares-Filho, Felipe Nunes, Jan Börner, Lilian Machado, Débora Assis, Amanda Oliveira, Luis Pinto, Vivian Ribeiro, Lisa Rausch, Holly Gibbs, Danilo Figueira ~ Science, July 17th 2020
The undesignated public forests in the Brazilian Amazon
Abstract
The Brazilian Amazon has 49.8 million hectares (Mha) of public forestlands not allocated by the federal or state governments to a specific tenure status: the so called undesignated public forests (UPF). Historically, these public forests have been vulnerable to land grabbers and land speculation. Here, we highlighted the imminent threat in UPF by quantifying their accumulated deforestation, all of which is illegal, for the period 1997–2018 and the potential illegal occupation. Based on the available government database, we found that 2.6 Mha of UPF had already been deforested by 2018 resulting in an emission of 1.2 billion tons of CO2 (Gt CO2). The accumulated deforestation was 5.4 times higher in federal UPF than in state UPF. Moreover, a total of 11.6 Mha of UPF have already been illegally registered as “private property” in the Brazilian Environmental Rural Registry (CAR), 70% of these areas located in state UPF. If legalized as private proprieties, the carbon emissions resulting from additional deforestation will be roughly between 1.2 and 3.0 Gt CO2. The seriousness and precariousness of protection of Brazilian Amazon UPF, the rapid conversion of forests outside these areas and increased flexibility in land policies — calls for the immediate designation of these areas to some form of conservation, as to avoid irreparable damage to the world’s largest rainforest.
> Claudia Azevedo-Ramos, Paulo Moutinho, Vera Laísa da S. Arruda, Marcelo C.C. Stabile, Ane Alencar, Isabel Castro, João Paulo Ribeiro ~ Land Use Policy, volume 99, December 2020. Download via IPAM
Por que papéis e produtos nacionais estão sendo preteridos nas carteiras de investidores e varejistas estrangeiros
Época, issue #1145, June 22 2020
They don’t chop down Amazonian trees, but their suppliers do
The Economist, June 13th 2020
COVID-19 in Brazil´s Amazon hinterland
The expansion of COVID-19 through the Amazon was fast. In three months the two largest states in the region together surpass France's 161,000 cases. On June 25, Pará had 96,000 cases, Amazonas 67,000. The victims are more than 7500.
Initially, the cases were concentrated in metropolitan areas, soon passed on to neighboring cities, and finally they were spread across the state. The collapse of medical care and the lack of medicines in Belém and Manaus caused alarm among the population. When distance measurements began some chose to travel to the country, isolating themselves in the home of their parents or relatives. In mid-May, this increase in cases was observed in the interior, when 141 of the 144 municipalities in Pará registered people sick with COVID-19.
Now there is a movement again towards the hinterland, towards communities and districts. A BBC Brasil report of May 29th captured this moment:
“At the other extreme, in the riverside communities of the Arapiuns River, there is no record of infections at the moment, residents circulate in neighboring houses and the forest guarantees abundant food for families. It is not by chance that communities on the edge of the Arapiuns - a tributary of the Tapajós - and several other rivers in the Amazon received many residents of the cities affected by Covid-19 in the region, such as Santarém, Manaus and Belém. Several of them migrated to urban areas in the last few years ago, looking for work and education and now they return to the homes of relatives in search of protection against the virus and the economic crisis caused by the pandemic”.
The contagion potential of Covid-19 lies in its ability to be transmitted by asymptomatic people. There was the illusion that only in large cities would the virus circulate, which led some people to abandon precautionary measures, mandatory in urban centers.
“The student compares a quarantine routine in Altamira: 'one must be locked up, you cannot visit a friend, relative. Here it is totally different you can go out to the fields, you can swim in the river, you can go to the neighbor's house, you can play ball’. ‘We don't have to wear a mask, glove, hand sanitizer. You can leave and return home without the rush of having to shower and change your clothes as soon as you arrive’”.
The article portrays communities in the municipalities of Altamira and Santarém. All depend on banking, medical and commerce with the municipalities, forcing residents to travel daily. There is no health control possible when you do not know who is infected.
Almost a month after the BBC report, the numbers of people infected in these cities went up. Altamira increased 400% (from 309 to 1,345 cases) and 230% in Santarém (from 1,532 to 3,626 cases). Not only were they affected, communities further away were also impacted by the disease.
In 14 riverside communities in the Tapajós River region, 117 cases of covid-19 were detected. The observation when arriving in these municipalities was that “people with mild symptoms are positive and at the same time well. The gravity of covid-19 was not perceived. This population did not remain isolated, did not see the gravity of the covid and kept coming to Santarém. It does not maintain home isolation, much less use of a mask ”. On the left bank of the Tapajós River, in the Tapajós Arapiuns Extractive Reserve, suspicious cases and deaths without a confirmed cause accumulate among indigenous villages, who name by big flu the covid-19 symptoms.
At the same time that these cases increase, mayors are easing isolation measures when reopening commercial activities. The movement of residents of the communities to the cities is constant. It is possible that the hinterland of the Amazon will be hit by a new wave of infection, without having yet controlled the first wave coming from Brazilian capitals.
Serra Pelada, 1986 ~ Sebastião Salgado
The intimidating attitude of this worker, an ant, is mixed with an air of dismay. The camera, shooting him from the bottom up, places the viewer in a subordinate position. His stiff, secure posture poses a challenge to those who see him: do you dare? At the same time when one views the context carefully, there is a grimace of discouragement. The repetition, the fatigue, the crumbs.
The men above the ant seem to be crawling on wooden tracks over mud. The captured moment is actually an up-and-down. On one side, those who come up with bags full of mud on their backs. On the other, those who go down the bottom of the mine with empty bags tied to their hips. An organization in the confusion of Serra Pelada.
These men, slaves of themselves and of gold, performed the deconstruction of a mountain of earth, one of the greatest feats in the Amazon. In 1986 the pit was already 200 meters deep and crowded with 50,000 ants. Six years later the mine would be closed, but the hole is still there.
There was never another Serra Pelada. Ants have spread across the South American Amazon and continue to revolve tons of mud chasing grams of gold.
COVID-19 and Amazonia: Sustainable alternatives for an economic collapse
Abstract
The severity of the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak demand from countries to adopt extreme measurements of social isolation to stop the spread and flatten the curve of contamination. Although social isolation measures may have negative impacts on economy, historically it has been showed to be more effective in saving lives and less damaging to economy than not adopting these measurements during a viral pandemic. In Brazil, despite the positioning of the president against social isolation due to the consequent economic recession, the rapid spread of the virus has worried the governors of the Brazilian states, which are thus managing stringent social isolation measurements to avoid the advance of the virus. Since one of the main strategies to guarantee progress and economic growth in Brazil has been the exploitation of natural resources from the Amazonia biome, here we discuss the importance of this biome to Brazilian economy during the post-pandemic recession and highlights potential strategies to burst the economy without promoting Amazonia destruction. We show that, together with the REDD+ and the Amazon Fund, the Forest bonds represents good strategies to burst Brazilian economy in a sustainable way, showing that it is possible to improve the commodities without increasing Amazonia deforestation or the greenhouse gases emissions. Amazonia is a biome of global importance for the avoidance of another global crisis, which will occur if we reach the climatic tipping point of 1.5°C. Thus, governmental actions should go towards its preservation, not exploitation and depletion. The commitment of the government with environmental conservation is paramount so that these economic strategies have positive results, especially in a post-pandemic scenario, where the economy will be extremely weakened. The COVID-19 brings us a lesson regarding how our attitudes can impact the world, and what we can expect from a global crisis. Perhaps we can apply these lessons and focus on change our economy towards a sustainable direction to avoid another global crisis in the years to come.
> Luisa Diele-Viegas, Eder Pereira ~ Preprints. Publicação em 29 de abril de 2020
From native to caboclo
Anthropologist Eduardo Galvão casts a pessimistic light at the survival of indigenous populations in the Amazon. He was right, for natives there is no easy way neither to escape or become part of society.
The constant attacks on the villages were repeated during the years of expansion of the Portuguese domain, until the consolidation of the Brazilian State. Those who did not submit to the civilized way of life, went up the rivers and later would be reached by the integration roads that radiated through the Amazon.
In the region of the Tapajós River, 18th century, after subduing the neighboring nations, the Munduruku came into contact with the Portuguese troops who visited the region, since the founding of the city of Santarém. After the initial skirmishes, a peace treaty was established between the indigenous and the colonizers. This relative pacification marks the first breakdown of the ethnic group.
The population of the medium and high Tapajós moves and builds new villages halfway to Santarém, or even the city, to exchange objects for products from the settlers. The movement is intensified at the peak of rubber extraction.
This uprooting deteriorates the social and cultural base of the Munduruku. Collective solidarity is left behind, when the core of the family is restricted to a couple and children. The language disappears in the daily life of the city, replaced by Portuguese, customs are diluted in the urban routine, joining the African and European amalgam.
Integration does not really take place. His assimilation is poorly conceived, he is semi-civilized: far from tradition, he is not recognized by those he left in the village, nor is he close to having full citizen status. It is up to the descendants to leave the indigenous stratum and enter the caboclo stratum.
This passage echoes the migration of the caboclo from hinterland to Amazon’s capitals. He is in the urban peripheries, he does not join the formal economy, his habits are restricted to the family environment. Here his culture is not absorbed, but segregated. Integration will only occur in decades, but also through its descendants.
Video: Extract from short-film Museu Goeldi by Ivan Cardoso (1975)
Images: Biblioteca Brasiliana Mindlin | Flashes da Amazônia ~ Wilson Carvalho (1964)
Reading: De Caçadores de Cabeça a Índios Urbanos - A Saga dos Índios Munduruku ~ José Sávio Leopoldi