On Gender, LGBTQ, Māhū, Leʻaleʻa, and Homophobia
By Adam Keawe Manalo-Camp, author of “Pūlama: Cherishing Our Hawaiian Heritage”
To understand culture, it is absolutely necessary to have a firm foundation in the Hawaiian language. The Hawaiian language is the door to a deeper understanding of Hawaiian culture. There is absolutely no way around that. If one ones to understand the world view of ancient Hawaiians, one must learn Hawaiian and leave aside preconceptions about Hawaiian culture, especially given that much of what we were taught in schools is not completely in agreement with what was being written about in Hawaiian language newspapers a century ago. This includes Kanaka Maoli or Hawaiians themselves who are learning their ancestral language.
It is also not only true of those learning the Hawaiian language, but of those learning any foreign language. When one learns language, one eventually learns aspects of the culture because one can not separate language from culture, social norms, class, gender and power structures. Culture, social structure, and history are all embedded in the grammar and terminology of any language.
In most Indo-European (i.e. Greek, English, Latin, French, etc) and Afro-Asiatic (i.e. Hebrew, Arabic, Ethiopian) languages, the social concept of binary gender (male and female genders) is re-enforced through the grammar. English linguistic convention, for example, has historically treated men as default and prototypical of the human species and for “God.” “He” is often used in laws and constitutions (i.e. the Hawaiian Constitution of 1864, the US Constitution, etc) to mean “a person.”
Gender pronouns also help to re-enforce cultural gender-appropriateness of certain professions and socio-religious concepts.
In looking at Hawaiian grammar, one will notice that “he,” “she,” and “it” were all the gender neutral pronoun, “o ʻia.” This is not only true of Hawaiian, but in every single Austronesian language. In Marquesan, to'ia can mean he, she, or it. In Tahitian, ōna or ‘oia means he, she, or it. Siya in Tagalog can me he, she, or it. Dia or ia in Bahasa Indonesia can mean he, she, and it. This is largely a remnant of what some like to call our “deep culture” or “cultural subconscious” from millenniums ago by our first maritime ancestors and that survived through our modern languages and still rests within our linguistic conventions and grammar.
The construction of Hawaiian grammar specifically in relation to gender pronouns shows clearly that Hawaiian, just like other Austronesian languages, did not have a construction of a binary gender, social and class system unlike Europeans or those in the Middle-East. They did not see humanity as being divided simply into two genders nor were binary gender roles re-enforced institutionally.
The view of most Pacific Islanders as is evident in early accounts and in their language grammars in fact shows a more polygender outlook.
In most pre-Christian and pre-Islamic Pacific societies, there were not simply “male” and “female” gender identities but several. For example, among the Bugis, gender identity was divided into five. In most Philippine and Polynesian societies, gender identities were divided into three: male, female, and a third gender. Since multiple identities seem to have always existed in most (if not all) Pacific Island societies and nations prior to colonialism, it makes sense why no personal pronoun defining gender (he / she) would be needed. This would also explain why in most Polynesian languages, inoa or names were also gender neutral. The Hawaiian name “Mahealani” for example can be either the name of a male or a female.
Certainly in most Pacific Island societies, including Hawaiian society, there were gender roles, but as mentioned, there were more than two genders identities.
We also know that in old Hawaiian society, which was a polyamorous society, both females and males kept multiple partners either of the same ('aikane) and / or of a different gender identity.
We also know that both female and male akua had kanawai akua, kanawai kapu or sacred laws which again underlines that Hawaiians were not a patriarchal society and had a polygender understanding. If Hawaiians had a cultural binary view of gender identity similar to the West, they would have restricted “unions” or partners, names and would had gender-specific personal pronouns.
With the introduction of Islam and Christianity, however, gender roles needed to be defined within the context of their own religious traditions.
In some cases, there was also a need to suppress female priestesses and māhū (bissu/asog/bayoguin) identities as often females and māhū were a link to pre-Christian / pre-Islamic traditions and undermined the new gender roles that were being implemented. Normally this suppression occurred through the imposition of the colonial language, through church, and through sodomy laws.
In many areas of Indonesia and the Philippines, this suppression did not normally happen through Islamic institutions (as some considered it adat or customary law) but later through imposed colonial laws, the colonial education system and more recently through the influence of Saudi Arabia.
The imposition of a binary gender world view in the Pacific by colonial or outside powers is extremely important in understanding traditional mana'o (thoughts) concerning third gender, māhū, and other gender identities and the origins of ho'okae māhū (homophobia).