The disposition that is so carelessly thrown without acknowledging the connotation clinging along the statement is that activism is identified as a pretense for terrorism. From the current passing of the Anti-Terror Law, this statement poses a great threat in endangering the freedom of speech and freedom to express. As alarming as it is, this law validates a mere suspicion without conspicuously confirming the intent of the person. In one of the senate hearings, instead of upholding the statement “innocent until proven guilty”, this poorly-worded law, on the other hand, ensembles the other way around: “
guilty until proven innocent.”
Dissent is an important feature in upholding democracy.
According to Dressel (2011), the indicators of an effective democracy are (1) high voter turnout, (2) civic engagement, (3) institutional arrangements that theoretically promote accountability and (4) safeguard rights and liberties. Considering this, it is important that the active citizen participation, including the narrative of the minorities and the dissenters, must be included in the political engagement of the state. The ATL systematically weaponizes the law in silencing the dissenters and increasing the probability of the prominence of illegal arrests of progressive individuals and organizations in light of controlling the opinion of the people.
References:
Dressel, B. (2011). On The Philippines: how much real democracy?.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512111417912. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/254105177_The_Philippines_how_much_real_democracy.
The contentious issue about the separation of the church and the state lies along the boundaries of belief and principles. In the video documentary entitled “PBS America at a crossroads: Struggle for the soul of Islam: Inside Indonesia,” Islam is painted as a tolerant and inclusive religion. However, there are also instances wherein religion is weaponized and used in fighting for disparity in beliefs among the Muslim community with the aim of being able to dominate the system. It is apparent that the laws manifested by these institutions are relevant in creating a massive influence on the social order as to how the followers will live their daily life.
There is also concern of intersectionality between Islam and marginalization, patriarchy, and sexism. The concept of gender roles is bounded by socially constructed laws which amplifies an expected disposition and behaviors in our society and therefore limits one’s capabilities based solely on the imposed gender that the society recognizes. While they respect the image of being a Muslim, the Muslim women expressed their disappointment in the issue of clothing which most of them believed to be sexist in nature. The radical islams, however, backed this claim by arguing that these rules and laws imposed in their religion is “written” in their holy book, and therefore should be respected and followed.
Hunger games is one of the revolutionary novel series. It presented a dynamic of unprecedented power shift among the existing structure in their dystopian society. The narrative of the main character, Katniss Everdeen, incited a form of civil resistance which poses as a threat to the authority of the Capitol, the name of the government in the book. Katniss, who unreluctantly volunteered in place of her sister in the reaping, frees their state from the tyrannical oppression of President Snow.
The conceptualization of Hunger Games is justified by the state through a historical approach in recognition of the success of their past administrations from being captured by the state’s enemy— the rebels. The story line captures the essence of political, social, racial, economical issues that we are currently facing. Katniss’ act of volunteering did not just simply signified her selflessness but it rather culminated a symbol of hope in the eyes of the radicals. Panem, however, sees this as an act of defiance such that, as a tyrannical regime, they do not like things that are not in their control. The Capitol used the military authorities in inciting fear among its people. It shows no mercy as it continues to impose brutality and abuse without upholding the concept of rule of law.
As a beacon of hope, she unknowingly became the symbol of the revolution. After a long tyrannical rule, people grew tired of taking the defenselessness in and finally, used this opportunity as a traction in overthrowing the regime governing Panem. Riots are starting to from from different cities. People have never been more active in pursuing their liberty and freedom from the chains that has been holding them back for decades. Finally, through the support of District 13 in providing arms and their basic needs, they have rose from the ashes and fought to oust President Snow through a rebellion.
In 2011, the Syrian crisis has evolved from a peaceful protest into a civil war which induced several violations of international humanitarian crisis, refugee crisis, mass destruction, and human rights violations. The conflict within the borders of Syria was initially between the struggle of the protesters and President Bashar al-Assad, with the aim of overthrowing a dictatorial regime in pursuit of a democratic state. This has further manifested an internal fragmentation due to the formation of opposition groups which led to the characterization of Syrian’s state of the Assad regime as a multi-territorial state (Balanche, 2018). Overtime, the conflict grew and is fueled by turmoil among the regional and global powers and has transformed into something that is complex and murky (Carpenter, 2013).
Many analysts have described the conflict as a proxy war between the international powers (Saudi Arabia and Iran, the United States, and the Russian Federation), and armed militia groups emerging (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and Al-Qaeda). Modern civil wars, as elucidated by Shapiro & Estrin (2014), is a result of the competing external global powers who provide financing and military support to the proxy wars. The immersion of foreign interventions in the Syrian conflict is driven by underlying geopolitical intentions and is also identified as one of the major reasons why it continues to inflict political and economic torment, therefore, prolonging the war (Karim & Islam, 2017).
References:
Balanche, F. (2018). Sectarianism in Syria's civil war. The Washington Institute for Near East Policy. p.9
Carpenter, T. G. (2013). Tangled Web: The Syrian Civil War and Its Implications. Mediterranean Quarterly, 24(1), 1–11. doi:10.1215/10474552-2018988
Shapiro, J., & Estrin, M. (2016, July 28). The Proxy War Problem in Syria. Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/the-proxy-war-problem-in-syria/
Karim, S., & Islam, M. N. (2017). Syrian crisis: Geopolitics and implications. BIISS Journal, 37(2).
Pakikibak(l)a: Isang panawagan sa pagsiil sa pagpapahayag ng sarili
Tila isang sampal sa LGBTQ+ community ang agarang pagpapalaya kay Pemberton. Isang itong uri ng panunupil sa hindi pagpataw ng pantay-pantay na kaparusahan sa isang mamamatay tao. Sa kabila ng pag-apela ng pamilya ni Laude, tila nagbibingi-bingihan ang gobyerno na siyang sinasalamin ang kawalan nito ng paninindigan para sa kanilang sariling mamamayan. Pinaulanan din ng simpatya si Pemberton dahil sa pagkakaroon nito umano ng Good Conduct Time Allowance Law (GCTA) sa buong anim na taon ng kanyang pagkakakulong. Subalit, hindi sapat ang katwriang ito upang ganoon na lamang palayain ang gumawa ng isang karumal-dumal na krimen.
"Ayos lang sana kung hindi siya nagbigay ng absolute pardon, para kahit papaano ay may laban naman kami – 10 taong pagkakakulong lang sana ang hinihingi naming kabayaran para sa buhay ng anak ko. Napakaiksing panahong kabayarang pagkakakulong para sa buhay ng anak ko," — Julita, ina ni Jennifer
Ang patuloy na pagkitil sa kalayaan ng minorya ay siyang walang humpay na pagpatay sa soberanya ng ating bansa. Nararapat lamang na kundenahin ang kawalan ng pananagutan at pagbibigay ng Presidential pardon kay Pemberton sapagkat hindi tunay na makakamit ang hustisya hanggat patuloy na palalagpasin lamang ang mga isyung ito. Hanggat mayroong pilit sumasaklob sa kalayaan ng pagwagayway ng watawat ng karapatan ng bawat isa, patuloy pa rin nating itatayo ang bandera ng LGBTQ+ at ipaglalaban ang pagkinang ng bawat kulay ng bahaghari.
Bata, bata... Paano ka ginawa? Bata, bata... Bakit ka nawala?
"Hustisya!" ito ang sigaw ng masa.
Apat na pu't walong na taon na ang nakaraan simula noong talamak ang abuso sa kalayaan nating mga Pilipino. Sa kabila nito, patuloy pa rin tayong binibisita ng multo ng ating nakaraan—lalo na ang mga inabuso at biktima ng karahasan pati na rin ang mga pamilyang naiwan. Hanggang ngayon, hindi pa rin natatanggal ang bigat sa dibdib ng mga pamilyang naulila sa kanilang mga mahal sa buhay. Umaalingawngaw pa rin ang ungol ng isang inang walang humapay na naghahanap ng katarungan sa kanyang anak. Isa itong pagtalaga sa walang kapaguran na paglalakbay sa landas na patuloy hinahanap—ang landas na tila'y hindi na muli matatamaan ng sinag ng araw.
Noong idineklara ng dating presidenteng Marcos ang Batas Militar noong ika- 29 ng Septyembre taong 1972, laganap ang mga 'desaparacidos' o ang mga taong biglaang nawawala nang hindi alam ang dahilan[1]. Kung tutuusin, ang mga karaniwang nawawala ay ang mga tumututol sa pamamahala ng Batas Militar tulad ng mga estudyanteng aktibista. Maging ang pangkaraniwang mamamayan na walang kalaban-laban ay walang awang inaapi ng isang diktador.
Noong ika-20 Marso 1986, nagsampa ng kaso si Agapita Trajano sa United States District Court for the District of Hawaii[2] Isa lamang si Archimedes Trajano sa mga biktimang patuloy na tinatago sa ilalim ng baul. Bukod pa rito, nakaukit din sa kasaysayan ang mga pangalan n Ishmael Quimpo at ng kanyang pamilya, Liliosa Hilao, Boni Ilagan, Judy Taguiwalo, atbp. Iilan lamang 'yan sa mga biktima ng mapangahas at mapangabusong pamamalakad ni Marcos— paano pa kaya ang mga namatay nang walang kalaban laban? O kaya naman ang mga humingi ng tulong nang walang nakarinig?
Ayon sa Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), 2,000 ang bilang ng kaso ng 'desaparacidos' noong rehimen ng mga Marcos[3]. Malaki ang posibilidad na marami pang katawan ang patuloy pa ring hinahanap hanggang ngayon, at ang iba dito ay maaring hindi pa kasama sa bilang ng dokumentadong nawawala; marahil ay ang mga inaamag na katawan ng mga naulila ay nakalibing lamang sa tinutulugan ng iba.
Walang nakakaalam. Walang makapagsasabi.
Patuloy tayong tinatanggalan boses at hinuhubarad ng karapatan. Ito ang siyang ating dapat nating kaakibat habang pinagyayaman natin ang ating kamalayan patungkol sa lipunan; bagamat isa sa dapat nating isabuhay ang kasabihan na:
“Mahirap na muling pumikit matapos mamulat sa totoong kinalalagyan ng ating bansa.”
Nararapat lamang na ating panatilihin ang masidhing pagliyab ng apoy ng paninindigan, kasabay ng malawak na paglakbay sa mundong walang kawalan ng pag-asa. Iukit natin ang pangalan ng mga bayaning bitbit ang watawat sa kanang kamay at puso sa kabila sa lapida ng mapaminsalang sistema. Unti-unti, mababalik natin ang asul sa kalangitan— ang simbolo ng kapayapaan. Hanggang ngayon, ang ating kasaysayan ay patuloy pa ring sinusulat; gamitan man ito ng pluma na laging binubura ng iba, patuloy pa ring mananaig ang katotohan at pagdating ng araw, isisigaw natin ito hangga't marinig ito ng buong bayan.
Sanggunian:
[1] Bantayog ng mga bayani. "The torture and death of
Archimedes Trajano" http://www.bantayog.org/the-torture-and-death-of-
archimedes-trajano/
[2] Cepeda, Cody. "44 years too long: The martial-law victims,
‘desaparecidos’ and the families left behind". https://businessmirror.com.ph/2016/09/16/44-years-
too-long-the-martial-law-victims-desaparecidos-and-the-
families-left-behind/
[3] ABS-CBN News. "1,993 'desaparecidos' since Marcos: human rights federation". https://news.abs-
cbn.com/news/05/27/18/1993-desaparecidos-since-marcos-
human-rights-federation
Photo source (1): Leanne Jazul from Rappler
Photo source (2): Bullit Marquez from Philstar
A new case of pneumonia-like respiratory illness caused by an unknown source was reported in December 2019 which initially attacked Wuhan, China. With an estimate of 22 million reported cases worldwide as of August, the coronavirus has caused death and disruption in areas all across the globe. The first known case in the Philippines on January 30 became an indicator that the government needs to take an action to the probable threats and peril that might prevail in our country. With the aim of managing the virus, considerations such as the brevity of the pandemic, economic implications, and diplomatic relations were also weighed in formulating the response of the government.
In a deliberative democracy, political deliberations must be an outcome rooted from rationality and legitimacy to enable fair and reasonable judgement. While it does not require some form of consensus, the result of the deliberative process must be a product of rational negotiations among the public which seeks to enhance the citizen participation. However, in crafting a consolidated response towards the pandemic, it must be recognized that there are government agencies which embodies the legitimacy in crafting policy proposals.
Through the Executive Order No. 168, s. 2014, the Inter-Agency Task Force for the Management of Emerging Infectious Disease (IATF-EID) is granted the authority to establish a system that aims to assist Filipinos, educate the public regarding any occurrence of an infectious disease, adopt preventive measures needed in minimizing mortality in any case there is an emerging disease, and so on. The IATF-EID is composed of different representatives from various departments such as: DOH, DFA, DILG, DOJ, DOLE, DOT, and DOTC. In terms of their decision-making, it could be mainly distinguished that their response is backed by data and scientific evidence. It must be noted, however, that in order for a deliberative democracy to work in an environment driven by comprehensive discussions, dissent must always be taken into consideration. The involvement of inclusivity does not only improve the communication process but it also paves a way in improving the quality of democracy along the process of negotiation.
The world is facing one of the most challenging global crises today. One that demands a consolidated and definitive action plan alongside with proper coordination and integration among various government agencies and institutions. The presence of such a catastrophic occurrence poses a challenge to the administrative bodies such that it holds an integral responsibility of providing necessary intervention and enforcing appropriate certain measures and actions which must be entwined with a sense of urgency.
In waging a war against the pandemic, it is important that we sought to exhaustively arm the only defense in battling the crisis—our healthcare system. While the Department of Health (DOH) re-assures the public that preventive measures are being implemented, the long-delayed response to the crisis placed the nation in a vulnerable state. Before Duterte’s 5th State of the Nation Address (SONA) in July 27, several silent protests were made by health workers demanding for protection and support from the government. Several protests were also held during the SONA with the aim of expressing the depressive state of the health workers and frontliners and demanding for a conducive response and comprehensive action plan in waging battle to the COVID-19 pandemic.
As a result, numerous health workers have resigned from their positions due to excessive work hours with minimum hazard pay. The Office of the President passed an Administrative Order no. 26 where they authorize a grant of a 500.00 pesos per day hazard pay to government workers who physically report to their respective offices. The Alliance of Health Workers, however, said this order is “divisive and deceptive” such that the funds are taken from Personal Services (PS) and MOOE (Maintenance and Other Operating Expenses) of the General Appropriations Act of 2020 (GAA 2020) instead of COVID-19 Funds. In such cases, there is already a budget cut to these hospitals indicating that the hazard pay may not be received by the government workers, hospital workers in particular, at all. With proper preventive measures and response, we can put an end to the overwhelming spike of infection rate among the front liners and also to the vulnerability and defenselessness of the healthcare system.
Citizen participation is a fundamental right.
In improving the quality of democracy, we must properly address the issues of the public concern through civic engagement. The existing political process confines the feasibility of political participation. In a representative democracy, for instance, elected representatives are expected to exercise their respective constitutional powers; and in turn, citizens are expected to obey the policies. As Robert Dahl called it a "democratic bargain," such a condition in capturing the essence of democracy varies from country to country depending on the implementation as long as the representative's capacity to act independently is not in jeopardy.
Several health groups are calling for the resignation of Health Secretary Duque III, positing that the credibility and legitimacy of DOH is in jeopardy due to its outright neglect in the situation of the health care in the Philippines. With the continuous rise of the COVID-19 cases in the county, the clamor of holding him accountable for the neglect of duty and failure to appropriately respond to the challenges by the pandemic is called upon. With Duque as one of the main representatives of DOH, the need of actual citizen mobilization accompanied with the spirit of desire in achieving the betterment of the common good must be amplified in response to the pandemic.
On the other note, we must also consider the political culture, hence emphasizing the civic culture manifested in the political sphere. Sure, we can argue that political participation is feasible through the channel of elections, the emergence of a more contemporary political discourse in social media, and so on. Despite this, the citizens must have the liberty to participate in the political domain through deliberate action and act as a collective on the polity without relying on some central authority. But we have to remember that such political participation is bounded by the legitimization and of the government. That is, the state has the capacity to control the behaviors of its own citizens which, in essence, may either strengthen or weaken the quality of citizenry.
While this may create a continuing disagreement to the point that it may be impossible to achieve a consensus and it may also exhaust the state in governing and mediating a diverse society, this act of political participation is deemed to be necessary such that it amplifies the intensities of preference and accuracy of response across various actors.
Through the participation of the healthcare workers in crafting a conducive response to the pandemic, we can reassess the conditions of the medical frontliners and evaluate the situation of the healthcare system. By providing the necessary protection assistance, we could potentially ‘flatten the curve’ while being guided with the importance of responding to the crisis in systematic management and effective implementation.
Photo source: Taken by John Orven Verdote and Michelle Alquinto
"Kaya [kung] ako mamatay, mahulog ‘yung eroplano, p***** i**, I am very happy. Alam mo bakit? Sabi ko without declaring martial law, I dismantled the oligarchy that controlled the economy of the Filipino people," — Duterte on his speech in Sulu
At 7:52 in the evening of May 5 marks the first time after 48 years when the screen of the ABS-CBN network went black. Along with this is the muffled pleas of justice for the death of press freedom in our country. The stifling remarks of the Duterte administration in rejecting of the renewal of franchise of ABS-CBN is a political engineering of weaponizing the law. While the Malacanang claims to be “neutral” in this issue, Duterte’s remarks, however, says otherwise.
In 2018, Duterte publicly threatened the closure of the ABS-CBN for not being able to air his presidential campaign. This feeble-minded outcry has systematically made its way into using government machinery in putting an end not only to what this administration claims in ending the Lopezes who are known to be oligarchs, but it also killed the freedom of the press and the 11,000 jobs of the Filipino people. Aside from this, the Philippine congress also places its foot in its 70-11 decision of rejecting the franchise application, claiming that this process did not involve any form of “politicization” in the name of neutrality. While numerous claims from this administration has fostered into establishing a reasoning that the expiration of ABS-CBN’s franchise paved a way in ending one of the domineering oligarchs in the country, it fails to look into the bigger picture of the underlying control and different forms of manifestation of the oligarchs which will not end just by merely closing an entire broadcasting network whose only aim is to serve the Filipino people.
The dynastic political ties among the political clans create a massive hysteria of polluting the mere essence of democracy in the Philippines.
Elite dominance within the system is, undoubtedly, a rooted plague. The entrenched domination of the elite families in the Philippine political system serves as the vantage point of the social structure as to how it became a byproduct of the historical genesis that occurred in the nature of Philippine politics after the Spanish and American rule. This form clerical dominion of the oligarchs opens the gate to the reflective picture of the climate of Philippine politics.
Looking the at grass-root level of the Filipino oligarchy, some of the names that clangors along the wall of Philippines’ political landscape are the Cojuancos of Tarlac, Marcos of Ilocos Norte, Albanos of Isabela, Durano’s of Cebu, Zubiri’s of Bukidnon, Lagman’s of Albay, and so on. These oligarchs will make use of the societal patterns existing in the behaviors which then is used as momentum in entering the competition in political arena.
In response to the unceasing cycle of political clans that interchange with the forehand of power, the banning of the political dynasties in the political landscape of the Philippines is deemed as a necessity in order to uphold the ideals of democracy in our system. There must be an external and internal pressure in executing and actualizing the maximum potential of the democracy that the Philippines’ embody.
In the end, it is important that we must intensify the need to establish an inclusive opportunity for other aspiring candidates for the public office, who may be a potential leader that might be the key to the nation’s success. Therefore, ending of the cycle dynasicism and inculcate the practice of bureaucracy in our nation which could further establish the true essence of democracy.
Photo source: Jire Carreon, ABS-CBN News
Democracy’s take on creating (and taking) liberty and freedom
What it is...
Sidney Verba, an American Political Scientist, said that “Democracy is the equal consideration of the preferences and interests of all citizens.” It carries a promise that this form of government enables equality of voice and participation to balance inequality allocation of resources; and whether the access to those resources is affected by the factors of race, wealth, gender, or a combination of all three. This goes to show that encapsulating the essence of democracy carries the definitive aspect of the roles of the people in it.
The concept of Liberal democracy captivatingly resonates in people’s minds as it is presented as a fair and equal representation of the people. And therefore, it is unequivocally anchored on the notion of protecting one’s individual freedom and civil liberty while bounded by the framework of the rule of law. In gauging the weight of the quality of democracy, however, it must always be highlighted that the principal bedrock of democracy lies on the equal protection of interests among the people. The ‘people’ in question, could be someone who is merely represented by those who are either appointed or voted or someone who are active in political participation.
In actualizing a functioning democracy, Schumpeter argues that one of the requirement is a relatively passive citizenry whose only role is to vote and nothing else. This, then, raises a concern of exclusion and limitation in terms of being able to fully immerse in civil participation. The collective decision of the majority in being able to elect a representative will now hold the power of the voice of the people without actually having to reach consensus among the people themselves.
What it is not
Democracy can also be a living grieving thing.
While it is usually presented in an ideal character, it remains as a flawed concept. One way of revealing its fragility is that celebrates the majority and mourns the loss of the minority. It only provides a pathway to the what the society deemed to be ‘equal’ in the eyes of the majority and therefore excluding the dissenters. Hence, placing the legitimate power to the ‘democratic’ opinion of the majority-- which mainly consists of the strong hand rule of the few and the elites. While it is granted with the idea that this will bring justice and equally divided opportunities for everyone, does it really opens its doors to equal protection of all interest?
Liberty and equality, however, are words that are often linked and argued by some to be analogous in nature but are rather contradicting when linked with democracy. When it comes to the political domain, tailoring these concepts are aimed through a proportionality of one and the other with respect to democracy. In pursuit of the balance of both concepts, it is essential that we must understand the fault lines when we tip the balance between the two. Therefore, analyzing the sentiment that gaining a liberty might have the effect of denying one and that this collides with the idea of equality, which is a state of being able to have equal opportunities and rights.
Democracy also leads to demagoguery. It can only be as good as those who practice it and humans have the condition of frailty which means that we can be corrupted by the temptations of money, power, or fame. Being to able to represent the people comes with a power and a responsibility to carry out the rule of law and serve the interest of the people. The quintessential role of a political leader, however, could not be about leadership anymore but rather the power that alongside this position may be used for one’s intention and manipulation.
In reality, the cynical nature of democracy revolves around the idea of the dominance of power, wealth, and political and social leverage due to the services that certain representatives so seamlessly weave in order to accumulate trust from its citizens.
I believe that it takes a power of organized people to make democracy work. It requires a proper aim in striking a balance as inequality is built on systematically imposed structures in preserving the power of the few. When, in fact, as the old saying goes, Democracy should be the government of the people, by the people, and for the people. Upholding this exposition requires broadening equality, which, in turn, will strengthen the essence of democracy.
We have to reimagine what's possible. We have to take everything into perspective-- What if everyone gets a seat at the table?
