#cemí

[titusandrogynous]

[areytonaboria]

On Cemí and Taíno Spirituality: An Opening Orientation

I want to talk about spirituality, but to do so I recognize the need to talk about specific deities, and in order to do that we need to talk about and have an understanding of Cemínism/Zeminism (for continuity and understandability, I will be using the academic “Cemí” spelling with a “C”, but please keep in mind, Zemí is valid as well recognized academically and in the tribal nation, I just don’t want confusion).

There is no single term that fully captures this the Taíno spiritual system in its original context, and even the use of words like “religion” or “spirituality” can be limiting. What is being described is not a separate sphere of life, but an integrated way of understanding relationships—between people, land, ancestors, realms, and the forces that sustain existence.

Within the Cemínism framework, cemís are central.

Cemí are not easily defined in singular terms. They may be understood as ancestral presences, spiritual beings, forces of nature, or the material forms through which those presences are engaged. In short- objects imbued with a presences. Cemís may be represented through a carved object or natural form; they can also be encountered through place, memory, or practice- most notable examples are sacred places, some are sacred because they are imbued. These distinctions are fluid, and often depend on context (Pané, 1498/1999; Oliver, 2009). Because of this, cemís are not distant or abstract. They, the objects, exist within relationship— imbued with a presence that is carried through lineage, expressed through environment, and recognized through interaction rather than belief alone.

In the most basic of terms - a cemí is molded to one’s own perception of a deity or ancestral spirit, it is imbued by it and represents the relationship between a community/family/person and said deity or ancestral spirit. It is a physical vessel or embodiment of spiritual power.

The basic anatomy of what a cemí represents:

The Embodiment/Object: It is believed that the physical object actually contains the spirit or essence of a deity or ancestral spirit. NOT that it is the deity or spirit directly (no deity can be contained, nor should anyone seek to that’s viewed as malevolent and world harming behavior).

The Materials: They are crafted using a wide variety of materials, including wood, cotton, stone, shell, clay, and even bone, which were often carved or molded to reflect incarnations, visions or dreams to the deity and ancestral spirit. Sometimes clothing and accessories are crafted to adorn the cemí, as additions (see after sources for photos of some preserved documented cemís).

The Function: Acting as intermediaries, these objects are used to communicate with the spirit world, seek guidance, influence, and ensure the community's (or persons) prosperity, health, protection, etc. The concept is deeply relational, serving as a direct, tangible link between the physical world and the sacred unseen.

(Jiménez (2021), Doyle (2020))

To put this into context, the most common cemís that come to mind are of those of Yúcahu (there are other spellings, far too many to individually list on this post), Atabey, and Guan Ban Sech. For many these names invoke a Cemí to come to mind, but one of the most common ones in connection to Atabey is the Coquí. You can’t drive on the road anywhere in a major city with a Puerto Rican population without coming across a Taíno Coquí symbol, weather it’s on someone’s car, flag, or tattooed on their body. While there are different beliefs around the Coquí- some view it as the symbology for luck, being safe guarded, others as an extension of Atabey’s Fertility incarnation, the nurturing care of a mother. There are some that just view it a symbol of pride and origin. Regardless of the individuals view- they are have the core reasoning of a relationship with nature, safety, and Puerto Rico as an island, and it has been a cultural Cemí carried through lineage and recognized through interaction rather than belief alone for loner than any academic can pin point. See how cemís can be more than merely an object?

With all this say, let me disclaim - It is also important to acknowledge that not all aspects of this knowledge are meant for public or generalized discussion. Some teachings, ceremonial practices, and interpretations are held within specific communities, families, or initiated spaces. What is shared here reflects information that is more widely documented or openly discussed, and should be understood as partial, relative, and foundationally basic rather than comprehensive.

Much of what is commonly known about Taíno spiritual life comes from two sources, early colonial records and cultural knowledge passed through family and communities across the Caribbean. Archeological and anthropological accounts, while valuable, were written through external perspectives and are often incomplete. As a result, contemporary understanding is shaped not only by these texts, but also by oral tradition, community knowledge, and ongoing cultural practice (Curet, 2014; Keegan & Carlson, 2008).

This is where variation becomes important.

Taíno-descendant communities exist across different regions of the Caribbean and its diaspora, and their approaches to cemís can reflect those environments. In some areas, there may be a stronger emphasis on agricultural relationships and land-based practices (ie. like personal gardens, keeping of ancestral trees, dances, etc), in others, a more pronounced connection to coastal or riverine environments (ie. Meditative swimming, Water/River Cultures, etc), and some even blend with other spiritual beliefs (ie. Afro-indigenous communities have a similar practice, cemís crossing into Orisha spaces happened naturally), one’s environment shapes how certain presences are understood and expressed- and under the practice of cemínism it is all valid.

Even within the same region, differences can emerge between families or communities. These variations may influence how cemí are named, how they are approached, or how relationships with them are maintained. Rather than indicating inconsistency, these differences reflect continuity—adaptation over time in response to place, history, and lived experience (Oliver, 2009).

As a cultural example, if you’ve ever read the memoir “My Broken Language”, by Quiara Alegria Hudes; she describes her mother’s spiritual garden dotted with stone lines, carved sculptures, 4 directional sections, and specific plants planted per section. An outsider reads it, takes in the environment described, it might be new to them and they continue. Someone with an even basic understand of Caribbean indigenous beliefs or living cultural experience in the Caribbean though, they read it and can recognize the stone dividing lines as cibas, the sculptures likely cemís of Taíno and Orisha presences, the divided section being the wheel, and even the specific plants reflecting the Taíno cardinal directions. When you have the lived experience of culture, you can fill the blanks, understand without a full course explanation which means authors like Ms. Hudes can share semi closed practices in this form, and it works. Those outside get a glimpse, those with context get validation and recognize the meaning.

In general there is no single, fixed system that can fully represent Taíno spirituality as it exists today, but cemínism is such a central part that it has undeniably been carried through lineage, expressed through history, and recognized thoroughly culturally, regardless of personally held beliefs.

For those beginning to learn, it may be helpful to approach this not as a system to be mastered, but as a set of relationships to be understood gradually. Definitions may shift with time, exposure, and while building community with others. Meanings may deepen over time. What is learned in one space may be expanded or reframed in another. It is all a process.

Selected References (for further reading)

Pané, R. (1498/1999). An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians. (J. J. Arrom, Ed. & Trans.). Duke University Press.

Oliver, J. R. (2009). Caciques and Cemí Idols: The Web Spun by Taíno Rulers Between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. University of Alabama Press.

Dr. Jiménez, Maya (2021). Taíno zemís and duhos, Smarthistory, The Center for Public Art History.

Doyle, James A. (2020). Arte Del Mar: Art of the Early Caribbean. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Curet, L. A. (2014). Caribbean Paleodemography: Population, Culture History, and Sociopolitical Processes in Ancient Puerto Rico. University of Alabama Press.

Keegan, W. F., & Carlson, L. A. (2008). Talking Taíno: Caribbean Natural History from a Native Perspective. University of Alabama Press.

This essay contains citations to academic research for your understanding.

Photos of Documented Cemís

Taíno artist, Zemí (cacique side), c. 1510–1515 (Museo Nazionale Prehistorico ed Etnografico “Luigi Pigorini,” Rome, Italy; photo: Lorenzo Demasi)

Taíno, Deity Figure (Zemí), 13th–15th century, sandstone, Dominican Republic (The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

Taíno artist, Spatula, c. 10th–15th century, manatee bone, from the Greater Antilles, Caribbean (Cleveland Museum of Art)

Taíno artist, Zemí (mask side), c. 1510–1515 (Museo Nazionale Prehistorico ed Etnografico “Luigi Pigorini,” Rome, Italy; photo: Lorenzo Demasi) [This is my favorite, it has a whole out fit and movable mask]

Taíno artist, Three-Cornered Stone (Trigonolito), 13th–15th century C.E., limestone, from the Dominican Republic (The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

Taíno artist, Cotton cemí; Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography Turin (A Taíno Idol's Origin Story)

[gothtaino]

Unidentified Taíno artist, Kuisa [Purification implements], c. 1200–1500, bone, approximately 22 cm high (El Museo del Barrio, New York). Speakers: Dr. Lee Sessions, Permanent Collections Associate Curator, El Museo del Barrio and Dr. Tamara Calcaño, University of Puerto Rico. Warning: this video contains a discussion of vomiting in a ritual context but may be upsetting to some viewers. Transcript is under cut.

Transcript:

[music]

0:00:05.0 Dr. Tamara Díaz Calcaño: We’re here at the Museo del Barrio in New York looking at an emetic spatula from the Taíno culture.

0:00:11.8 Dr. Lee Sessions: These were made by the Taíno people, the Indigenous people of the Caribbean, [who] have been inhabiting the region since at least 1200 and descended from people who are in the region much before that. There are many people who identify as Taíno in the Caribbean who practice many of the old rituals and ceremonies, and keep the practices alive.

0:00:31.5 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: While Taíno culture was deeply affected by the arrival of the Spanish in the region, the cultural practices and the visual culture of the Taínos has continued to be present in Puerto Rico and in the Greater Caribbean.

0:00:45.7 Dr. Sessions: Even in renaming these implements kuisa, we are trying to use Taíno words to prioritize Taíno language in how we’re naming these materials that are from around 1200.

0:00:58.5 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: The emetic spatula we are looking at was part of the cohoba ritual, where the bohique or the behique, the spiritual leader in the Taíno culture, and the cacique, the political leader, would partake in inhaling the cohoba seeds which were powdered to be able to obtain the psychedelic qualities of these seeds. So in part of the ritual, they could communicate with ancestors, deities, and also interpret omens that were important for the Taíno culture and the particular history or situation of a set community.

0:01:31.1 Dr. Sessions: These would have been used to purge the stomach before the ceremony, so you would use the kuisa to purge, and then the behique grind up the cohoba seeds in a mortar and pestle, and then the user would inhale through a small straw. It’s a way to connect with the ancestors, to connect with the spiritual realm, with the many layers of reality behind the reality that we see. Often the behique would use it to obtain information about how to heal someone who was ailing in the tribe, or the cacique would use it to obtain guidance from the ancestors about a political issue.

0:02:09.0 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: They purged themselves related to the notion of purifying the body, so they could better access the psychedelic qualities of the cohoba seeds with an empty stomach. The emetic spatulas used in these rituals, like the one we have here at the museum, were usually made of a softer material, usually bone, it was a common to also use manatee ribs as the material with which these spatulas were carved. And they could also be quite decorated. They could be carved with intricate designs. And the one we are looking at has a humanoid face with great eyes that were carved and that probably had some sort of insert in a different material. You have a large nose and a wide grinning mouth, we can see all the teeth. The arms are pulled up to the chest, and right under the hands, we can see what seems to be almost like a swollen belly. And then the rest of the spatula is that more abstracted lower body.

0:03:01.5 Dr. Sessions: Because these kuisa are used in this spiritually significant ceremony where you’re accessing the world beyond, where you’re accessing your ancestors, they would often be carved with spiritually significant imagery, they would almost become kind of a guide to the underworld themselves. So this figure might have represented a cacique, someone who was participating in the ritual, it might represent some kind of other guide figure who would take the user through the other world.

0:03:30.4 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: It was very common in the design of the material culture of the cohoba ritual to add references to either important ancestors, deities. The cacique, and the behique himself are often also figures very present in the objects related to the ritual of the cohoba. So indeed, the figure carved on this kuisa could very well be a references to a cacique or a behique.

0:03:56.6 Dr. Sessions: When you look at the object from the side, you can see it has a gentle curve, which probably would have come from the material that it was made from, from some kind of rib bone. But also the curve would have helped the object function. It would have made it easier to use to purge yourself before the ceremony.

0:04:16.0 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: We look at the purging spatula from the side. And from behind, we see that it has perforations which may relate to it being worn during this ceremony almost as a pendant or as a necklace. Which also I think highlights the physicality of the object itself, how it could not only have been a practical object in the ritual, but it may have also functioned as an important adornment in the ritual itself.

[music]

[tainoconcepts]

The Arawak/Taíno were polytheists and their gods were called Zemi. The zemi controlled various functions of the universe, very much like Greek gods did, or like later Haitian Voodoo lwa. However, they do not seem to have had particular personalities like the Greek and Haitian gods/spirits do. There were three primary religious practices:

Religious worship and obeisance to the zemi themselves

Dancing in the village court during special festivals of thanksgiving or petition

Medicine men, or priests, consulting the zemi for advice and healing. This was done in public ceremonies with song and dance

People had special dress for the ceremonies which included paint and feathers. From their knees on down they would be covered in shells. The behike (medicine man or priests) presented the carved figures of the zemi. The cacique sat on wooden stool, a place of honor. (There are many surviving stone carvings of the cacique on his stool). There was a ceremonial beating of drums.

People induced vomiting with a swallowing stick. This was to purge the body of impurities, both a literal physical purging and a symbolic spiritual purging. This ceremonial purging and other rites were a symbolic changing before zemi. Women served bread (a communion rite), first to zemi, then to the cacique followed by the other people. The sacred bread was a powerful protector (The interesting similarities between this ritual and the Christian practice of eucharist is obvious!). Finally came an oral history lesson — the singing of the village epic in honor of the cacique and his ancestors. As the poet recited he was accompanied by a maraca, a piece of hardwood which was beaten with pebbles.

There are many stone religious artifacts which have been found in Haiti. The zemi take on strange forms like toads, turtles, snakes, alligators and various distorted and hideous human faces.

[areytonaboria]

Atabey: More Than a Mother Goddess

Now that we've talked about Taíno cosmology as a worldview, we can begin discussing some of the notable beings that appear within it.

One of the most frequently referenced figures is Atabey.

As is tradition at this point, disclaimer: Contemporary Taíno communities do not always interpret Atabey, her names, or even her mythology in the same way. Some communities teach about her and her manifestations or aspects, while others may use different explanations and seperate deities completely. The discussion below reflects several interpretations rather than a universally accepted doctrine. The only universally accepted doctrine about her is that she is the Mother goddess and that her birthed other deities- everything else is regionally, historically, and contemporarily interpreted uniquely. Please respect differing interpretations and practices.

Atabey is often described as a mother figure, ancestral being, creator figure, cosmic deity, or powerful cemí associated with water, fertility, and life. However, like much of Taíno cosmology, understanding Atabey is not as simple as assigning a single title or domain.

Many popular sources reduce Atabey to a "goddess of fertility" or “Mother earth”. While fertility is certainly part of many descriptions, this framing can be limiting because it reflects a tendency to translate Indigenous cosmologies into familiar European religious categories.

Our knowledge of Atabey comes from several sources:

early colonial accounts, particularly Ramón Pané

archaeological interpretation

linguistic analysis

surviving oral traditions and contemporary Taíno teachings

These sources do not always agree completely, and different communities may emphasize different aspects/incarnations/manifestations of Atabey.

One recurring theme is the connection between Atabey and water.

Water is essential for life, agriculture, movement, and survival throughout the Caribbean. Because of this, water often carries significance beyond simple utility. Atabey is frequently associated with rivers, springs, rain, and the generative forces that sustain life.

In most traditions, Atabey is also understood as a primordial or ancestral being whose presence predates humanity itself. She birthed the energies that shape and maintain the universe.

Like many figures discussed in Taíno cosmology, Atabey should not necessarily be understood as existing completely separate from the natural world. Rather, the relationships between land, water, life, ancestry, and spiritual forces are often interconnected.

This is one reason why many contemporary Taíno people describe cosmology as a worldview rather than a collection of isolated beliefs.

One of the more fascinating aspects of Atabey is that she does not always appear under a single name.

In Ramón Pané's account, Atabey is associated with a series of names often rendered as Atabeyra, Apito, and Zuimaco. Scholars and practitioners have interpreted these names in different ways. Some understand them as titles. Others understand them as aspects, incarnations, or manifestations of the same sacred being. Some see them as references to different expressions of power connected to water, creation, fertility, and life.

A brief description of the more preserved thoughts and practices regarding Atabey’s aspects, avatars, incarnations, or manifestations

This is one of those areas where there is a spectrum between historical evidence and contemporary Taíno interpretation. Historically, the most commonly cited names associated with Atabey are:

Atabey

Atabeyra

Apito

Zuimaco

(as recorded by Ramón Pané and Casas).

What exactly these names represent is debated, but many contemporary Taíno communities interpret them as manifestations, aspects, incarnations, avatars, or expressions of Atabey's sacred power.

The most commonly preserved interpretations are:

Atabey — The Primordial Cosmic Mother

Alternative spellings include Ata Bey and Ata Bei. Atabey is often understood as the primordial life-giving force and one of the most encompassing beings within contemporary Taíno cosmology. She is associated with: • Creation • Motherhood • Life and death • Origins • The Generative Force Behind Life • Cosmic balance Symbols • Female petroglyphs (modern association more than proven historical identification) • Water • The womb • The Earth as a living body • Spirals (in some traditions) Natural representations • Oceans • Earth • The life cycle itself

This is typically the first aspect of Atabey that people encounter when learning about Taíno spirituality. Rather than representing a single domain, Atabey is often understood as encompassing all aspects of existence. Photo above is from the Cagüana Centro Ceremonial Indígena, in Utuado, Puerto Rico. In some contemporary teachings, the various manifestations or avatars of Atabey are understood as residing within different parts of her cosmic body. For example, some traditions teach that Coa exists within Atabey's stomach or lower abdomen, reflecting its association with the ancestral and spiritual realms. As with many aspects of Taíno spirituality, interpretations vary between families, practitioners, and yukayekes.

Atabeyra — The Waters

Alternative spellings include Atabeira, Atabera. Atabeyra is most commonly associated with: • Freshwater • Rivers • Springs • Healing • Nourishment Symbols • Flowing water • Rivers • Springs • Water vessels • Frogs/Coquís (commonly associated due to rain and water) Natural representations • Rivers • Waterfalls • Freshwater caves • Rain

Water remains one of the strongest and most consistently preserved themes associated with Atabey in both historical sources and contemporary practice. Photo above are petroglyphs from the Piedra Escrita, a significant archaeological site located in Jayuya, Puerto Rico. When practitioners wish to speak specifically about the healing, nourishing, and life-sustaining qualities of water, they may invoke or reference Atabeyra as a distinct manifestation of Atabey's power.

Apito — Fertility and Growth

Alternative spellings include A'pito, A pi'to. Apito is frequently associated with: • Fertility • Pregnancy • Agricultural abundance • Renewal • Growth Symbols • Seeds • Sprouting plants • Cassava/yuca • Gardens • The womb Natural representations • New growth • Crops • Fruit-bearing plants

Many practitioners understand Apito as expressing the forces that sustain and continue life. This manifestation is often referenced when discussing childbirth, fertility, cultivation, and personal growth. Photo above is of Cassava, because that is the most associated with her. Some contemporary teachings place Apito within Atabey's womb, emphasizing her connection to creation and generation. Certain oral traditions also describe a close relationship between Apito and Karaya, the Moon Spirit. A linguistic note often raised in community discussions is the similarity between the names Apito and Opi'a, Operi'to**/**O'perito. Some practitioners have suggested this may point toward a connection with life-force, spirit, or soul, though interpretations vary.

Zuimaco — Mystery, Spirit, and Sacred Knowledge

Zuimaco is among the most difficult manifestations to define and is often understood differently across traditions. Associations may include: • Hidden knowledge • Spirit • Transformation • Wisdom • Mystery Symbols • Caves • Darkness • Sacred stones • Petroglyphs • Paths Natural representations • Cave systems • Night • Hidden springs

Among contemporary practitioners, Zuimaco is frequently described as one of Atabey's most mysterious manifestations, representing those aspects of existence that remain beyond ordinary understanding. Photo above are petroglyphs from the Cueva de las Maravillas National Park in the Dominican Republic

Coa Bey (Koa Bey) — The Ancestral Realm

Alternative spellings include Koa, Coa, Koa Bei, Coa Bei. Coa Bey is associated with: • Ancestors • Death • Spirit world • Spirituality • Transformation • Mediumship/Spirit Communication Symbols • Snakes (especially Caribbean boas in many contemporary traditions) • Cave entrances • Ancestral caves • The underworld Natural representations • Caves • Underground rivers • Serpents

Within many contemporary traditions, Coa Bey represents the realm of spirits and ancestors. Historical references to snakes and serpent imagery, particularly Caribbean boas, have led some practitioners to adopt the boa as a symbol of Coa and its connection to transformation, death, and renewal. Photo above are petroglyphs from the Cueva de Ambrosio in Varadero, Cuba. This manifestation is often referenced when discussing ancestors, spiritual work, mediumship, and relationships with the unseen world.

Caguana — Love, Community, and Belonging

Caguana is associated with: • Love • Community • Support • Kinship • Belonging Symbols • Ceremonial plazas • Circles • Gatherings • Community spaces Natural representations • Villages • Shared fires • Ceremonial grounds

Caguana is one of the less widely discussed manifestations within contemporary Taíno spirituality. What is known comes from a combination of historical references, oral traditions, and community teachings, though interpretations differ considerably. Because information is limited, many communities approach discussions of Caguana cautiously and may preserve teachings privately. Where recognized, Caguana is often invoked in matters concerning relationships, community care, mutual support, and the bonds that connect people to one another. Some practitioners have theorized connections between Caguana and the ceremonial center now known as La Caguana in Utuado, PR, though such interpretations remain matters of community tradition rather than scholarly consensus. Photo above is from the Cagüana Centro Ceremonial Indígena, in Utuado, Puerto Rico.

Guabancex (Gua Ban Ceh)

Guabancex is associated with: • Storms • Chaos • Transformation • Weather • Power • Righteous anger • Upheaval • Renewal Symbols • Spirals • Hurricanes • Wind • Lightning • Storm clouds Natural representations • Hurricanes • Thunderstorms • Tornado-like spiral movement

The most common historical depictions of Guabancex portray a powerful figure with spiraling arms, reflecting the forces of hurricanes and violent storms. In many contemporary teachings, Guabancex is understood as Atabey's fierce and transformative face. She represents disruption, upheaval, and the necessary destruction that often precedes renewal. Photo above is from the Caney Circle Taino Spiritual community, on a post discussing their teachings and beliefs around this manifestation. Unlike simplistic portrayals of destruction as evil, Guabancex is often viewed as a force of balance. Storms destroy, but they also reshape landscapes, replenish ecosystems, and remind humanity of the power of the natural world. Some traditions teach that Guabancex resides within Atabey's arms, reflecting her active and forceful nature. The word "hurricane" itself derives from Indigenous Caribbean understandings of powerful storms (From the male counterpart to Guabancex, Juracán,) and having conveyed them to the Spanish, preserving one of the clearest examples of Taíno influence on modern language.

Karaya — Moon Spirit

Karaya is generally understood as the Moon Spirit and, in some contemporary traditions, a manifestation or extension of Atabey. She is associated with: • Moon • Lunar cycles • Menstrual cycles • Ceremony • Cycle renewal • Life cycles Symbols • Hoop • Circle • Moon • Cycles Natural representations • Full moon • Moon phases • Tides

Karaya's traditional symbolism is often connected to the hoop, which appears in ceremonial contexts and teachings regarding cycles, continuity, and participation in community life. Photo above is of a Yoke, Hoop, from Dominican Republic currently on exhibit at the MET. This is the burial hoop, indicating completing the cycle of life. Karaya also serves as an example of how a cemí may be understood as more than a physical object. Relationships with certain spirits are expressed through ceremony, practice, and participation rather than through material representations alone. There are many different type of Hoop cemís, indicating different stages and cycles of life.

Photo above is from the Cagüana Centro Ceremonial Indígena, in Utuado, Puerto Rico, source from a UCBerkly academic journal on Taíno & Caribben Indigenous Peoples. Most anthropologists and archeologists have concluded the (left to right) 3rd stone in this photo is likely a representation of Karaya/the Moon spirit. It has the form of a hoop (Long circle with circle end at bottom), the face of Atabey, and potentially those circles at bottom could be interpreted as moons. These ceremonial stone lines an Areyto, further example of cemís being able to also be a place, practice, & memory, meant for relationship and integration to everyday life.

Photo source from Reddit. One contemporary point of discussion concerns the crescent moon imagery frequently associated with Karaya online. While this imagery does not appear to have a direct historical basis in the archaeological record (the closest historical reference has been a half face of the standard depiction of Atabey, which could be speculated to be the initial inspiration for this current design), many practitioners note that cemís have historically taken forms revealed through dreams, visions, and personal spiritual experiences. The first appearance of this dipiction (which originally did not include a body), was in the late 1990s on an indigenous network that is not accessible today. Because of this, some communities embrace modern crescent moon imagery as a valid contemporary expression of Karaya, while others prefer historically attested forms. Neither position is universally accepted, and respectful disagreement remains common within the broader Taíno community.

My personal thoughts on this is: We're allowed personal depictions. I feel adding a body is going to far for my comfort as I feel her lack of a body historically is intentional, but I am not here to be the spiritual police. And I don't think those who do not actively practice Taíno spirituality aught to be particularly judgmental on this.

Because the historical record is disrupted, there is no single interpretation accepted by everyone. Many contemporary Taíno practitioners describe these names as reflecting different faces or expressions of Atabey rather than entirely separate beings. In this understanding, Atabey is not divided into multiple deities, but may be experienced through different relationships, responsibilities, or forms of sacred presence.

As with all discussions of Taíno spirituality, interpretations vary. As with much of Taíno cosmology, the goal is not necessarily to create a rigid theological system. Different families, practitioners, and yukayekes may emphasize different teachings, stories, and understandings of Atabey. Different communities may preserve different teachings regarding these names and their meanings.

Note, this is a very long post- and at no time did we even get the opportunity of discussing any Atabey stories, myths, creation, or who she even is in the cosmology. That's how much there is to say about her. A general break down doesn't touch who she is.

What remains consistent is Atabey's importance as one of the most prominent and enduring figures within Taíno spiritual traditions unanimously.

Citations Below

This article combines historical sources, archaeological scholarship, contemporary Taíno teachings, and oral traditions. Not all manifestations discussed below are equally attested in the historical record, and some reflect living traditions preserved and taught by contemporary Taíno communities.

Primary

Ramón Pané, An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians

Scholarship

José R. Oliver, Caciques and Cemí Idols

Antonio Stevens-Arroyo, Cave of the Jagua

Mercedes López-Baralt, El mito taíno

 José L. Marrero-Rosado, Taínos & Caribbean Indigenous Peoples

Contemporary teachings

Caney Circle Foundation

The Indigenous Caribbean Network

[areytonaboria]

Taíno Cosmology: How the Realm (World) is Generally Understood, Not Just What Was Believed

When we talk about Taíno cosmology, it is important to be precise about what that actually means.

This is not a fully preserved system we can reconstruct in complete detail. Instead, this article is discussing the core of it, a partial understanding built from archaeology, early colonial accounts, modern scholarly interpretation and individual family oral histories.

Cosmology, in this sense, refers to how a society understands:

the structure of the world

the relationship between humans and non-human forces

and the ways meaning is organized through land, objects, and experience

For Taíno societies, these ideas are not preserved as a single written system. They are inferred through material culture, recorded descriptions, and patterns that appear across the different sources listed.

For the purpose of this article, I am referring to it as a worldview instead of a belief system. It can be limiting to frame Taíno cosmology only as a “religion” or fixed set of beliefs, so I am not going to. Many Indigenous Caribbean systems are better understood as relational worldviews, where:

spiritual and physical worlds are not fully separated

objects, land, and beings can carry relational meaning

and knowledge is expressed through practice, place, and material engagement

Once again - this does not mean we can fully reconstruct those systems. It means we have to be careful not to force them into categories that may not fit and to keep in mind that every community may not fully commit or agree on all aspects.

One of the most consistent themes across interpretations and practices is that Taíno cosmology is often described in relational terms rather than abstract doctrine. Meaning theres priority to the relationship over abstraction.

Instead of a strict “system of beliefs,” what appears is:

connection between people and ancestral forces

interaction between material objects and meaning

and a landscape that holds significance beyond utility

Because cosmology is often popularized in simplified ways, it is important not to:

flatten Taíno worldview into a single unified doctrine

assume all symbolic meanings are fully known or decoded

or project modern spiritual categories onto fragmented historical evidence

What survives is partial, and different sources may not always align.

I’m explicitly stating all this before getting into it because the more you learn, the more you engage with different sectors of the Taíno community online- you are going to see disagreements on this and MANY authority-esque peoples stating things that are true for their yukayekes but not for others.

You also have to bear in mind the heavy influence of Christianity in the Caribbean. As a result, there are many communities trying to adopt the Taíno Cosmology through a Christian lens, or trying to practice it as a Christian, which often results in them referring to Cemí’nos as “helpers” or other demeaning and minimizing references instead of it being a scared object one should respect because its an extension of a deity or one’s own ancestral spirit. Many contemporary practitioners understand cemís as more than symbolic objects and may describe them as embodiments, manifestations, imbuements, or extensions of spiritual and ancestral relationships. Many struggle to respect Taíno cosmology/spirituality with the same respect they provide to modern religions. Its best to always listen and consider all of these factors when discussing the cosmology and spirituality.

Taíno Cosmology Basics

The most basic place to start is that the world isn’t singular. One of the most widely taught contemporary Taíno cosmological models organizes existence into multiple realms. In the Caney tradition (should note, they didn’t “invent” this model. It is widely believed and has been widely passed down in oral tradition. They are simply the best online resource and most open about discussing it,) these are often described as :

Turey (the Sky Realm)

Ku (the Earth or Middle Realm)

Koa Bay (the ancestral or spirit realm, as referred to as “Coa”)

Different yukayekes and spiritual lineages may describe these realms differently or recognize additional realms, but the three-realm framework is one of the most commonly encountered introductions to Taíno cosmology within contemporary practice.

Image is from the Caney Circle community, depicting the medicine wheel within the realm cosmology (https://www.caneycircle.org/legends/). This particular community is VERY open with their beliefs and you can interact with the Chief Behike online. He’s VERY active and open to discussion and including reconnecting peoples.

This is the most basic accepted cosmology. We acknowledge that there are refences and oral histories that include MORE realms than these, that are more complex. That’s valid. As seen above there's more to the cosmology, but we're just discussing the general core of it. Should you join a yukayeke, you can talk with your Behike directly and discuss. I am not a Behike, and thus will not have this conversation beyond the basic accepted shared cosmology.

Taíno discourse

A specific explanation I have heard for the variance in realm discussions is that some yukayekes connect to different energies and thus have access to specific realms others don’t or cannot. This is also the how and why many in the Caribbean practicing Yoruba spiritualities cross into Taíno cosmology and practice both. This is just a general conversation I’ve seen passed around, but I feel it helps others to understand why I keep saying calling it just a belief system isn’t fully encompassing the realities of what Taíno spirituality is, can be, and is accepted as.

Back to cosmology discussion

The most basic cosmology worldview is widely accepted because it is a) paired down to the very core, and b) it can mirror Christian ideology enough making it very easy to pass down in oral histories and making it most likely to be accurate in regards to preservation.

Contemporary Taíno communities are not limited to archaeology and colonial texts. Many communities maintain oral teachings, ceremonial practices, and cosmological interpretations that function as living traditions in the present. These should not automatically be treated as interchangeable with sixteenth-century historical evidence, but neither should they be dismissed simply because they are contemporary Indigenous knowledge.

If you wish to learn more- seek open Taíno spiritual communities, yukayekes, and ceremonial communities.

Citations Below

Selected References (for further reading, sources for the information discussed in this post)

Ramón Pané — An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians

José R. Oliver — Caciques and Cemí Idols

Antonio Stevens-Arroyo — Cave of the Jagua

Mercedes López-Baralt — El mito taíno: Léxico de cosmología antillana

Irving Rouse — The Taínos: Rise and Decline of the People Who Greeted Columbus

William F. Keegan — various works on Taíno archaeology and social organization

The Oxford Handbook of Caribbean Archaeology for archaeological context.

NOT Taíno Specific References (But applicable for your own knowledge and understanding of indigenous spiritualities as worldviews rather than as belief systems)

Gregory Cajete — Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence

Shawn Wilson — Research Is Ceremony