#charles germain

[nesiacha]

“The revolution, whatever those who would like to chain it to the goal most advantageous to them may say, is not over.”

Excerpt from a letter by Charles Germain, imprisoned following the repression of the Babouvist conspiracy, while awaiting trial.

[nesiacha]

Moments of Violence or Physical Threats by Revolutionaries

Charlotte Robespierre is said to have physically restrained Couthon so that Maurice Gaillard could escape, according to Gaillard’s own account, later reported by Lenôtre. This episode is discussed in detail in the excellent post by @anotherhumaninthisworld, available here: https://www.tumblr.com/anotherhumaninthisworld/747746530277146624/i-found-the-charlotte?source=share

Tallien reportedly threatened to stab Robespierre if he were not placed under arrest.

According to Paul Ségur, Fouché allegedly proposed having Robespierre seized as a rebel and thrown into the river.

On 19 Brumaire, Year VIII, Fouché is said to have promised Arnault and Regnault that he would throw into the river anyone who caused unrest in Paris, according to Louis Madelin.

Bonaparte reportedly threatened Buonarroti with appearing before a military commission and being executed, according to General Bertrand (Cahiers de Sainte-Hélène, 1818–1819).

Lazare Carnot is said to have threatened to strike Fréron with a stick:

“Fréron had especially lobbied to drive Lazare Carnot from the Committee of Public Safety. Throughout November of 1794, he attacked him in the Orateur du Peuple. Carnot caught Fréron off guard one day and threatened to beat him with a stick if he persisted in his attacks.” (Kuscinski, Dictionnaire, entry on Lazare Carnot)

Babeuf was at times involved in physical altercations with police officers when he failed to persuade them, which occasionally enabled him to escape. One such confrontation involved police inspector Pernet and other officers shortly before Babeuf managed to flee once again( according to Robert Rose Barrie). At other moments, Gracchus Babeuf openly incited the crowd to intervene and stop the police attempting to arrest him, resulting in the officers being roughly handled.

During his final imprisonment in Vendôme, Babeuf “kicked the cook twice in the ribs.” Together with his colleague Blondeau, he is also said to have mistreated the prison doctor (according to historian Jean-Marc Schiappa).

From his prison in Vendôme, Charles Germain reportedly

“gave himself over to the most violent excesses, attempting to strike the administrators with his chair; they would have fallen victim to his rage had it not been for the presence of the gendarmerie officers and the concierge.” (Robert Legrand)

Blondeau, imprisoned in Cherbourg, stated about his fellow detainee Charles Germain that

“he would have preferred death to entering into a new association with Germain, whom he considered a scoundrel and whom he would kill unless he himself were struck down first.” (Robert Legrand)

Cazin, another Babouvist detainee in the Cherbourg prison, wrote that

“Moroy and Blondeau got along very well together (…) and that they hated Cazin, and he hated them in return,” adding that he even feared being murdered by them (Robert Legrand).

Félix Le Peletier threatened to attack Jean-François de Witt if he married his niece Suzanne Le Peletier, as evidenced by a letter sent to de Witt’s mother, Madame de Witt:

“Only through an atrocious crime will your son become my niece’s husband. She is a victim being cunningly used to achieve this end. Even those who are leading her astray know everything. One day, if your son marries Minette, he will learn more. When that secret is revealed, he will have my life or I will have his — but the peace of his household will be shattered forever if he survives…”

Félix Le Peletier also challenged Ernest Talleyrand to a duel after Talleyrand married one of Suzanne Le Peletier’s two daughters. The dispute arose from Talleyrand’s refusal to repay 50,000 livres owed to Félix by his late niece. Ernest Talleyrand declined the duel. (Laurence Constant, Félix Lepeletier de Saint-Fargeau – Un itinéraire, de la Révolution à la monarchie de Juillet)

Notes and Context

P.S. – Regarding Carnot: Some elements of these accounts should be treated with caution, as many of the accusations originate in Barras’s memoirs. Since Carnot had criticized Barras and his circle for their violence, they retaliated by portraying him as a brutal man in turn. These claims should therefore be handled carefully.

On Charles Germain: His violent behavior is partly understandable given his circumstances. In addition to his arrest and his transport to Vendôme in an iron cage, he learned of his wife’s murder by brigands, leaving their three-year-old child behind—presumably with family, but under severe financial strain.

On the violence involving Germain, Babeuf, and Blondeau: Jean-Marc Schiappa notes that while Babeuf was known for his sometimes explosive temperament, it never reached such intensity as during his imprisonment in Vendôme. This, he argues, stemmed from Babeuf’s “defensive strategy of rupture,” which involved rejecting all authority in order to mobilize public opinion—seen as essential to the accused’s eventual “rescue.”

On the behavior of Blondeau, Cazin, and other prisoners: The prison conditions in Cherbourg were atrocious, compounded by uncertainty over possible deportation. Prisoners frequently fell ill, making violent tensions almost inevitable. In such situations, either solidarity increases or conflicts intensify; in this case, the latter prevailed. Moreover, Cazin wrongly believed at times that Germain had acted as an informant for Barras, which was not the case. Furthermore, it's important to remember that just because revolutionaries fought on the same side and didn't betray each other doesn't mean they get along. Sometimes they are comrades in arms but despise each other.

Further Reading on Tumblr

On the antagonistic relationship between Carnot and Fréron: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/789452990250614784/the-antagonistic-relationship-between-fr%C3%A9ron-and?source=share

On the relationship between Suzanne Le Peletier (and her political trajectory) and Félix Le Peletier: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/795252246414819328/the-relationship-between-f%C3%A9lix-le-peletier-and?source=share

[nesiacha]

Charles Germain, Babouvist: A Letter to Napoleon and a Life in Exile

As a reminder, Charles Germain was one of the leading figures of the Babouvist movement who were condemned to deportation during the Vendôme trial.

Imprisoned in Cherbourg alongside men like Buonarroti, Cazin, Moroy, Blondeau, Vadier, he decided to write directly to Napoleon Bonaparte, then First Consul.

On 6 Frimaire Year VIII, he sent the following letter:

“I am one of those sentenced to deportation by the High Court of Vendôme. I was born in Narbonne in 1771. At the age of sixteen, I traded my Aristotle for a horse and a musket. In 1790, my good parents bought me a full discharge; two months later, I took up the helmet and saber again. In 1793, representatives on mission with the Army of the Western Pyrenees decorated me on the battlefield with an epaulette in the 12th Hussars. On 24 Prairial Year II, the representatives dismissed me. After coming to Paris following 9 Thermidor, a minor scuffle earned me a lettre de cachet. After nine months in detention, I was released and found myself, on 13 Vendémiaire, in the ranks of the patriots (I still have my certificate). The new government was established: Jean-Baptiste Annibal Aubert-Dubayet, Minister of War, promised me employment, while Philippe-Antoine Merlin de Douai (referred to here as Cochon), Minister of Police, had me arrested on 21 Floréal Year IV… I am 28 years old; I have spent five years in prison. I have only ever been a soldier, I have served in three active campaigns, and I have received wounds. I still have some blood left: do not let it calcify in the horror of dungeons; allow me to go and shed it at the frontier… provided I may serve liberty and, if necessary, die for it. My parents are poor, and I have always been poor myself. Long live the Republic. Respectful greetings.”

(French National Archives, BB³ 21)

According to Robert Legrand, Lucien Bonaparte intervened at one point to ease the conditions of Buonarroti, Blondeau Moroy, and Germain by granting them a small daily allowance of three francs while they were held on the island of Oléron awaiting deportation to Guyana.

On Oléron, a report mentions that Charles Germain and others “maintain incendiary rhetoric against the government and its officials; they publicly insulted the local justice of the peace and are corrupting the public spirit.”

Later, like many neo-Jacobins (especially Babouvists), he was deported following the Rue Saint-Nicaise assassination attempt.

In 1802, he reunited in Cayenne with former Babouvist companions, including René Vatar.

Here is what Robert Legrand writes about him:

“He remained there for several years. The governor, General Hugues, enlisted certain exiles on privateers maintained for the defense of the colony. Some deportees from Cayenne were wounded while fighting the English off the coast of Africa. Germain, one of the most indomitable republicans of his time, was captured in one of these engagements and taken aboard English prison hulks. He never ceased to preach to French sailors and soldiers, his companions in misfortune, a love of the Republic and hatred of Bonaparte.”

Meanwhile, in January 1809, a Portuguese fleet and an English corvette attacked Cayenne, forcing Governor Hugues to capitulate. A prisoner of the English, Germain was still held on prison hulks in 1810; he did not return to France until 1814.

Nothing is known about him after that date (although there are some hypotheses—but that will be for a future post).

P.S:Correct me if I am mistaken, but Lucien Bonaparte sometimes reminds me of his rival Joséphine de Beauharnais: both were great spenders with real political skills (although, in my opinion, Joséphine was far more adept at political intrigue). Both also intervened to request clemency or to ease the lives of Bonaparte’s political opponents. However, Lucien Bonaparte seems to have been mainly concerned with neo-Jacobins (such as Buonarroti and Charles Germain), whereas Joséphine focused more on securing clemency for royalists like Armand de Polignac. It would be worth checking whether Lucien also took an interest in the fate of royalists.

[nesiacha]

Sophie Lapierre, Activist of the French Revolution and Celebrated Babouvist Singer

I am not infallible, so please feel free to correct me.

Militant Career

Sophie Lapierre was born on 29 October 1771. She was the niece of the Babouvist Joseph Monnard. She is described as a pretty woman with Venetian blond hair.

Having been settled in Myennes for three years, in the district of Cosne-sur-Loire, she was granted a certificate of civism on 12 Floréal, Year II, by the local commune, which emphasized her commitment to patriotic ideals. Another certificate of the same kind was later awarded to her while she was teaching there. She subsequently left the provinces for Paris, where she lived with her aunt Monnard and worked as an embroiderer( according to Robert Legrand, Babeuf et ses compagnons de route).

According to historian Claude Mazauric, she may have had political connections with Claire Lacombe. In his book Babeuf et la Conjuration pour l’Égalité, he describes Sophie Lapierre’s political involvement as follows: “the former activist among the revolutionary women of Claire Lacombe’s circle, Sophie Lapierre.”

Nevertheless, even if this claim regarding her ties with Claire Lacombe is accurate, it did not prevent her from singing songs in homage to Robespierre.

In Year IV, she was reportedly seen singing at the Café des Bains Chinois, a place where the Babouvists prepared their conspiracies and where subscriptions to the newspaper Le Tribun du Peuple were taken (according to Aulard).

She sings the song La complainte sur la mort de Robespierre: Ah! poor people, farewell to the golden age Expect only sorrow and misery It ended on the tenth of Thermidor The day Robespierre was sacrificed. When he was alive, he eased our sufferings, He had all our respect…

(Ah ! pauvre peuple, adieu le siècle d’or N’attends que peine et misère Il est passé dès le dix thermidor Jour qu’on immola Robespierre. Quand il vivait, il allégeait nos maux, Il avait toute notre estime…)

But she also sings Goujon’s hymn, la Caramagnole, and le Chant des Egaux.

Here are some lyrics from Goujon’s hymn: Rise, illustrious victims, Of the oppressors of humankind! … We lived for Equality, We will die for the fatherland…

(Levez-vous illustres victimes, Des oppresseurs du genre humain ! … Nous vivions pour l’Égalité, Nous périrons pour la patrie…)

The lyrics of la Caramagnole were: Frenchmen, let us all fly to Paris To embrace our good friends. Long live Liberty! Let us sing Equality!

(Français, volons tous à Paris Pour embrasser nos bons amis. Vive la Liberté ! Chantons l’Égalité !)

While some of the lyrics of le Chant des Egaux were: An infamous code has for too long Enslaved men to men.

Down with the reign of brigands! Let us finally know where we stand, Awaken to our voice, And emerge from the deep night, People, reclaim your rights, The sun shines for everyone.

(Un code infâme a trop longtemps Asservi les hommes aux hommes. Tombe le règne des brigands ! Sachons enfin où nous en sommes, Réveillez-vous à notre voix, Et sortez de la nuit profonde, Peuples, ressaisissez vos droits, Le soleil luit pour tout le monde).

Some unverified sources claim that she was Darthé’s mistress, but since I have not found any evidence or confirmation from historians so far, this information should be taken with caution.

Here is another excerpt from Robert Legrand’s text concerning her:

“The indictment tells us that at the Bains Chinois: ‘She was known as Sophie. She attended gatherings at Breton’s and at the tavern on Rue Denis with those who met at her uncle’s. She would bring food there. She knew the legionnaires who came to her uncle’s, and she ate with them. One day, Drouin, a legionnaire, slept in the said Sophie’s room, along with three other recruits. Whenever the enterprise was discussed, she would incite the members with the most violent and bloodthirsty remarks, and when any doubt was expressed about its success, she was affected to the point of feeling unwell.’

However, she claimed not to have had any knowledge of the plot” (National Archives, F7 4278, police note).

She would later be arrested and imprisoned.

During the Babouvist Repression But the worst was still to come with her. I have already discussed the repression at the Grenelle camp here: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/761134322820448256/during-the-night-of-september-9-to-10-1796-the?source=share.

To summarize briefly, after Babeuf’s arrest, Babouvist conspirators tried to free their leaders. Here is a quick summary of what historian Jean-Marc Schiappa says in his book Gracchus Babeuf et les Égaux:

"On the night of September 9–10, 1796 (23–24 Fructidor, Year IV), the surviving Babouvists made their way to the Grenelle military camp. The group consisted of several hundred democrats. Carnot, informed by Colonel Malo, one of the camp’s commanders, preferred to wait and have as many democrats as possible arrested in the trap, even if it meant using it against all opponents. The insurgents, led by certain provocateurs such as Sandron Romainville—the same man who had had the Babouvists like Blondeau arrested—determined to free their leaders, were anticipated and charged by the cavalry. (...) The wounded from Grenelle fled into Paris, while a number drowned attempting to cross the Seine under cover of night. The repression was unimaginably savage. Paris was completely surrounded, and the Directory ordered house-to-house searches across all districts. Every wounded person they could find was arrested. Searches were conducted even in the Hôtel-Dieu wards, where the injured were apprehended. Three former deputies were arrested, though entirely unrelated to the affair, at least for the first two: Cusset, Huguet, and Javogues, who had been under surveillance since the popular uprisings of Year III.

According to the law, civilians could not be brought before military tribunals; yet it was indeed before a military commission that the accused appeared, which sentenced thirty-two democrats to death, including a number of Babouvists such as Bertrand from Lyon, Baby from Toulouse, or Joseph Monnard, Sophie Lapierre’s uncle, who would nevertheless be judged at Vendôme even posthumously. Among the wounded was Jean-Joseph Fyon, a military agent of the Conspiracy, who would be transferred to Vendôme. Some of the arrested militants had come from the provinces to join the plot, following the Jacobin tradition of August 10, 1792—such as Ollivier from Lorient, or others from Grenoble and Rouen. In 1792, thousands of fédérés had ensured victory; in 1796, the mere presence of a few isolated individuals sealed defeat: the Revolution was indeed over.

Immediately after the trials, the condemned lodged appeals in vain. They were executed on the spot. The Court of Cassation would later annul the judgments handed down by the military commission. Dozens of prisoners would be released, but it was impossible to bring the dead back to life, even by judicial decision"

Although Carnot save the life of Félix Le Peletier by warning him not to go, he still bears heavy responsibility for what happened. Nevertheless, Tissot and Buonarroti believe that Barras also shares some of the responsibility, and historian Jean-Marc Schiappa agrees.

Moreover, despite his significant powers, it seems difficult to believe that Carnot could have acted alone.

In any case, Sophie Lapierre had to face this loss as well as the judgment of her peers and of her aunt, the Widow Monnard. She became part of the group of ten Babouvists who refused to acknowledge the authority of the Vendôme Court (with Babeuf, Blondeau, Darthé, Moroy, Germain, Cochet, Marie-Adélaïde Lambert, Toulotte, and Cazin).

It appears she supported Babeuf's tactics, along with Blondeau and sometimes Germain, by acting out in prison to draw public attention to their incarceration. She suffered the consequences of this, as reported in a letter from 11 Nivôse (correspondence from Daude): "Blondeau, the perpetual voice of the troublemakers, tried to disregard the rules and laws by establishing himself with the women to share scandalous pleasures with a few other accused men, whom these women had invited to dinner in their hallways. We opposed this blatant violation. There were cries, disturbances, insults, threats, and even violence... Resolute to overcome all resistance, we called the gendarmerie and had Blondeau and the other guests escorted back to their rooms. Babeuf, moments later, struck the cook. We reported the incident to the municipal administration, which issued a decree sentencing Blondeau, Sophie Lapierre, Adélaïde Lambert, and Babeuf to three days in confinement in their rooms, while the others were sentenced to five days."

Apparently, she wanted to have dinner in prison with Babeuf, Blondeau, and Marie-Adélaïde Lambert, as well as other prisoners, but this was refused by the warden, who confined them for five days. In my opinion, they may have caused some disturbance in prison so that they could be punished for it.

"Indicted in Vendôme. She signed all the protests that the conspirators submitted to the court, and she also signed on behalf of her aunt, Citizen Monard.

During the interrogation, Sophie stated that she did not wish to answer, not recognizing the competence of the court. She persisted in her refusal. When asked if she had chosen a counsel, she replied that she had selected Citizen Toulotte. Since he was himself detained, Ballyer was appointed in his place as unofficial defender. As other defendants had done, she declared that she reserved her rights pending the judgment of the Court of Cassation and again denied having had any knowledge of the plot".(Robert Legrand Arch. Nat., F7 4278, police note. )

She remained silent, like Darthé, refusing to answer the tribunal’s questions throughout the trial, except when singing revolutionary songs such as l’Hymne de Goujon. These songs were even echoed by the audience attending the trial.

Nevertheless, she wrote to the president of the tribunal:

"If you had not opposed the writing of my declaration, I would have had no reproach to make against you, but you took advantage of my ignorance to substitute my signature. Yesterday, I declared that all your petty means could not intimidate me, that my soul is inaccessible to fear, that love for my country outweighs every other feeling in my heart, and that I reject the High Court and will reject it forever. This is what I intended to sign. Consequently, I protest against what I did yesterday, 3 Frimaire, Year V. It is fitting that the Republicans present here know that the High Court uses subterfuge to deceive the good faith of a woman who knows only frankness and republican loyalty." (Nat. Archives, W. 565, 4 Frimaire, Year V).

Despite these harsh trials, Robert Legrand says that she remained full of life throughout her imprisonment and trial. At the end of the Vendôme trial, she was acquitted, but like many of her co-accused, she faced significant financial difficulties. She was likely devastated by the executions of Gracchus Babeuf and Darthé, as well as by the deportation sentences handed down to Blondeau, Charles Germain, and others imprisoned in Cherbourg.

Together with her aunt, the widow Monard, she was among the detainees who requested compensation for the time spent in prison (some had been held for up to 13 months), a request initially refused by the Directory. They were eventually granted the compensation after the Coup of 18 Fructidor, Year V.

Interestingly, the widow Monard sent a note of encouragement to Blondeau, imprisoned in Cherbourg: “Republicans know how to suffer with courage; it is up to you to set the example.” I wonder if Sophie Lapierre also had a part in writing that note. In any case, sadly, she disappears from the political scene. We do not know what became of her or her date of death, even though she was one of the most famous women of that period.

P.S.: When police reports describe Sophie Lapierre as a woman with violent and bloodthirsty tendencies, it is important to remember that their aim was to falsely present her and the Babouvists as fanatics. Therefore, these sources are very unreliable.

Sources:

Claude Mazauric

Jean-Marc Schiappa

Robert Legrand, Babeuf et ses compagnons de route

On the fact that Carnot likely saved Félix Le Peletier’s life during the Babouvist conspiracy: Tumblr link

[nesiacha]

French revolutionaries… who also happened to trolling.

Charles Germain, one of the most important figures of Babouvism, was imprisoned in Arras in terrible conditions. There he met Gracchus Babeuf, interacted with him frequently, and formed a deep friendship. Together they figured out which letters the prison authorities read and which ones were ignored. Between calculated outbursts and carefully crafted conversations, they wrote both sincere and strategic letters to their families, friends , political allies — and sometimes poked fun at the prison system. For instance, Germain once wrote in a letter he knew would be inspected: “our concierge, a man of honor and integrity.” (There is no doubt how sarcastic he was being — he must have greatly enjoyed trolling his jailers.)

Félix Le Peletier: During the neo-Jacobin repression carried out by Bonaparte in 1801, he was arrested and sent a letter to his enemy Fouché, claiming that neither his fortune nor his character would ever allow him to finance “pamphlets or plots” against Bonaparte, which he described as “the vilest of all roles.” (In truth, Le Peletier was lying — and we have evidence for it: for months he had been attending and organizing meetings against Bonaparte, funding pamphlets, and participating in other anti-government actions. But of course he could not admit that. The letter is dated 15 Nivôse Year IX, although the full text has yet to be recovered.)

But Félix did not stop there. After being released from prison, he was sent to the Île de Ré while awaiting deportation. He and his companions were under special surveillance, though he settled in a small house, maintained good relations with the locals, and only had to sign a register at the town hall on certain days (while still keeping contact with Bonaparte’s opponents, including Colonel Oudet, one of the founders of the Société des Philadelphes).

In the autumn of 1802, Bonaparte decided to enforce the deportation decree. Félix had just enough time to warn his friends, and a police report stated that “the friends of Félix Lepeletier are looking for every possible means to bring him back.” At the end of Nivôse, Year XI, Félix’s uncle Randon de Lucenay visited him on 1 February 1803 and left fifteen days later. A week after that, the mayor noticed the absence of Félix’s signature in the register and first assumed it was due to his worsening chest illness. But he soon realized Félix had escaped (his uncle had clearly come for that purpose) and had returned to Paris.

Worse still for the authorities, the Ministry of Justice learned of the escape before the mayor did — because Félix had written to the Ministry himself to mock them, informing them of his escape. I found the following excerpt: “He resolved to take this course after learning that his situation was about to worsen,” and he added that if the Ministry wished to reply, they could write to him at his uncle’s address. It seems clear that, in addition to Randon de Lucenay, Félix was helped by his childhood friend Regnault de Saint-Jean-d’Angély, who even secured him an audience with Cambacérès while he was technically a fugitive.

His insolence earned him the Ministry’s lasting resentment: he was hunted by the secret police, but hid in the home of a woman named Royer, on rue Hauteville — a fact the police were aware of. An arrest warrant was issued on 15 February 1803, but the situation became so confused when it was discovered that Lepeletier had access to a minister and had met a major judge that police agents hesitated to arrest him. A brigade chief had to justify himself to the prefect, writing: “Various reports inform me, citizen prefect, that Félix Lepeletier has been seen several times walking freely in Paris and Versailles. Some even claim that several agents who had orders to arrest him felt they should not do so, due to rumors that his arrest warrant had been withdrawn.”

Nevertheless, the fact that he violated the prohibition barring him from Paris — in order to secure his rights in his recently deceased mother’s estate — eventually led to his arrest. He was imprisoned in the Temple and released only after giving his word of honor that he would leave Paris and go into supervised residence in a department of Italy. I think it’s safe to say he let his mockery go a bit too far when he taunted the Ministry of Justice; had he been more discreet, he might have stayed in Paris longer and avoided yet another stay in prison (though his behavior remains very funny).

Louis Delgrès: During Napoleon’s re-establishment of slavery, this revolutionary and soldier — who had fought for mainland France during the Revolution — now had to fight in Guadeloupe against Napoleonic troops. According to Auguste Lacour, when Delgrès and his companion Joseph Ignace took refuge in the fort of Basse-Terre and found themselves surrounded by Richepance’s troops, Delgrès decided to mock them by playing the violin on the ramparts.

I would have added this passage — already mentioned by @anotherhumaninthisworld — from Étienne Dumont’s Souvenirs sur Mirabeau et sur les deux premières assemblées législatives (1832):

“I remember that one day, gathered at Pétion’s house to decide what would be proposed in the assembly regarding the king’s return, he was calmly playing his violin. Brissot became genuinely angry at such indifference and frivolity when it was a matter of the monarchy’s fate.”

But in this case, I think it’s safe to say Pétion wasn’t trolling anyone, even if his behavior irritated Brissot (and even if it is funny).

Feel free to add more.

Sources: Laurence Constant Ancet Jean-Marc Schiappa Étienne Dumont Auguste Lacour

[nesiacha]

Marie- Adélaïde Lambert:A Recruiter for the Conspiracy of the Equals during the French Revolution

Marie- Adélaïde Lambert was one of the many revolutionary women who have been largely forgotten in the history of the French Revolution. Yet during her lifetime she was well known and became one of the most prominent figures of the Babouvist Conspiracy, particularly during her trial.

At the time of her arrest, this young woman was twenty-five years old. She was therefore probably born around 1771 . According to Robert Legrand, in his book Babeuf et ses compagnons de route, she “worked as a broker and was employed in the linen trade.”

Her address was on Rue Vieille-du-Temple. She frequently visited the Bains chinois, a place where the Babouvists prepared their conspiracies and where subscriptions to the newspaper Le Tribun du Peuple were collected (according to Aulard).

When she was arrested, “she admitted having been five or six times to this café and having seen Darthé there. At first, she refused to answer the interrogation (…) During the search of her home, a large number of Babeuf’s newspapers and pamphlets were found” (Robert Legrand).

However, her role in the conspiracy was not limited to possessing Babeuf’s newspapers or maintaining political relations with Darthé (the brother-in-law of the late Joseph Lebon). Drouin, a young man indicted at the Vendôme trial (and later acquitted), who had been in contact with the Babouvist Sophie Lapierre, stated that it was Marie- Adélaïde Lambert who recruited him for the insurrectionary wing of the Babouvist conspiracy. She was reportedly in charge of enlistment.

According to Maurice Dommanget, she “boasted of having recruited 2,000 legionaries by herself.” This claim suggests a degree of exaggeration—perhaps deliberate—but it nonetheless indicates that her role within the conspiracy was of some importance.

She distinguished herself once again in a remarkable manner during the Vendôme trial. She became part of the group of ten Babouvists who refused to acknowledge the authority of the Vendôme Court, alongside Babeuf, Blondeau, Darthé, Moroy, Germain, Cochet, Sophie Lapierre, Toulotte, and Cazin.

She also signed several manifestos together with some of the other accused. These are as follows:

PUBLIC DECLARATION

Statement made by all the detainees in the House of Justice of the High Court, in response to two perfidious, infamous, and slanderous notes inserted in issue no. 422 of Le Rédacteur officiel, presented as a report emanating from the offices of the Ministry of General Police concerning the prisoners of Vendôme.

There are here neither divisions nor parties, neither quarrels nor fears. A single sentiment animates us; one and the same resolution unites us. There is but one principle: to live and die free, to show ourselves worthy of the sacred cause for which each of us considers himself happy to suffer.

There is also here another general and no less unanimous thought: that the proscribed republican would have no need to see his brothers under unworthy chains in order to love them; but that when he does see them thus, he cannot help but feel for them a more tender love and a reverent respect.

Vendôme, 25 Pluviôse, Year V of the Republic.

Signed: Ch. Germain, G. Babeuf, Cochet, Antonelle, Toulotte, Darthé, Maurice Roy, Taffoureau, Didier, Moroy, Lamberté, Cazin, Fossard, Antoine Fiquet, Rayebois, Blondeau, Clerx, Dufour, Goulard, Boudin, Crépin, Cordas, Laignelot, Ricord, Mugnier, Nayez, Vergne, Vadier, Amar, Fyon, Morel, Massart, Buonarotti, Potofeux, Maurice Duplay, Jacques-Maurice Duplay, Widow Monnard, Breton’s wife, Breton, Sophie Lapierre, Adélaïde Lambert.

There is another circular which they are said to have drafted and signed(according to Victor Advielle, Histoire de Gracchus Babeuf et du babouvisme ).

Circular to Journalists

Vendôme, 26 Pluviôse.

Citizen, there are two sacred things on earth: misfortune and truth. If you wish to know the respect shown by Mr. Cochon for either, read his two notes on the prisoners of Vendôme, which Le Rédacteur officiel has just embellished in its issue no. 422. Every line of these two notes is a lie and a snare. We shall not debase ourselves by refuting the infamies of this report, which, if it is not the greatest of the Minister of Police’s crimes, is at least the most cowardly.

We merely ask you to insert in your paper the declaration which we believe we must oppose to it; it is desired that this declaration be placed immediately following the two notes themselves: such a juxtaposition would say everything.

Democratic and fraternal greetings.

Other accounts of Marie-Adélaïde Lambert’s trial

There are other traces of the trial of Marie-Adélaïde Lambert, notably in an excerpt cited by Victor Advielle in his book Histoire de Gracchus Babeuf et du babouvisme d'après de nombreux documents inédits :

“The following session is partly occupied by three women, one of whom is the wife of a wine merchant. What was drunk, who paid, did such a person wear this waistcoat, what was said? Such are the questions that make up the proceedings of that day.

The trial, whose resonance is so great, becomes, through excessive minutiae, childish and grotesque.

Citizen Lambert is heard; herself disgusted by these debates, she replies to the President: ‘If my previous protest is not sufficient, I declare to you once again that I protest against your competence.’”

It appears that, like Sophie Lapierre, Marie- Adélaïde Lambert supported Babeuf’s tactics—alongside Blondeau and at times Germain—by engaging in disruptive behavior in prison in order to draw public attention to their incarceration. She suffered the consequences of this conduct, as reported in a letter dated 11 Nivôse (Daude correspondence):

“Blondeau, the perpetual voice of the troublemakers, attempted to flout rules and laws by installing himself among the women in order to share scandalous pleasures with a few other accused men, whom these women had invited to dine in their corridors. We opposed this blatant violation. There were shouts, disturbances, insults, threats, and even violence… Determined to overcome all resistance, we called in the gendarmerie and had Blondeau and the other guests escorted back to their rooms. Babeuf, moments later, struck the cook. We reported the incident to the municipal administration, which issued a decree sentencing Blondeau, Sophie Lapierre, Adélaïde Lambert, and Babeuf to three days of confinement in their rooms, while the others were sentenced to five days.”

According to Robert Legrand, she was closely associated with Sophie Lapierre in particular. At the end of the Vendôme trial, she was acquitted, but like many of her co-defendants, she faced severe financial hardship. It is easy to assume that she was deeply affected by the deaths resulting from the repression of the Grenelle camp, as well as by the executions of Darthé and Babeuf.

Like many acquitted co-accused, she was among the detainees who requested compensation for the time they had spent in prison—some of them having been detained for up to thirteen months. This request was initially refused by the Directory, but compensation was eventually granted after the Coup of 18 Fructidor, Year V.

Like Sophie Lapierre, she disappeared from the political scene thereafter. Nothing is known about what became of her or the date of her death, even though she had been one of the most famous women of that period.

Sources: Maurice Dommanget Victor Advielle Robert Legrand Jean-Marc Schiappa

For further information on Sophie Lapierre—former activist alongside Claire Lacombe and a Babouvist singer—see: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/804946147651272704/sophie-lapierre-activist-of-the-french-revolution?source=share

For further information on Antonelle, see: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/761515728971202560/the-political-career-of-the-revolutionary?source=share His occupation at the time as a juror of the Revolutionary Tribunal is discussed here: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/781747560324956160/antonelles-role-as-juror-during-the-revolution?source=share And his imprisonment in 1794, as well as his relationship with Robespierre, is discussed here: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/802041947886878720/antonelles-arrest-and-the-beginning-of-his?source=share

[nesiacha]

"Well! Fouché is arrested. Well done! Well done! Damn it! This is how we teach that scoundrel to live. What an example for the traitors!" " Charles Germain to Gracchus Babeuf on August 9, 1795 by letter

[strangerinalostworld]

rip charles germain you wouldve loved mood stabilizers