Last March 9, 2019, I had a beautiful Area Engagement in Gawad Kalinga Molave. This was part of the BINHI program of the Ateneo. Our group was led by Ms. Alay Gerlock-Barretto. Prior the Area Engagement, we had an Integration Workshop to prepare us. At first, I only knew two or three individuals in the group so it became a good place to meet new friends and gain new acquaintances. Hence, when the Area Engagement came, we were already comfortable with one another and it was no longer difficult to interact with the community as one group. In the Area Engagement, I was able to meet a lot of kids. Although I have a four-year-old brother, I am not very fond of kids. Nonetheless, I had fun with them because they were friendly and “malambing” to us. One event that struck me the most was when a kid offered to give me his pogs after knowing that I play them. He told me that I can have them and that he’ll just save up to buy pogs for himself in the future. We only met for a few minutes that time, but he was already offering me his prized possessions. I was very touched. In addition, I also spent time with a specific family. We talked and I learned a lot about their family dynamics, rules, and beliefs. I clearly remember that the husband emphasized that he chose to leave the province and live in Manila because he thinks that the education and opportunities in Manila are far better than those in the province. This gave me a new perspective regarding the current socio-political issues in our country.
Habitus is a complex concept by Pierre Bourdieu. According to Swartz (2002), habitus is composed of “deeply internalized dispositions, schemas, competencies, and lifestyle preferences.” Gawad Kalinga Molave can be described as having a class habitus, which may be parallel to the “antipretentious ignorance and conformity” class habitus within the working class described by Swartz (2002). The families living in Gawad Kalinga Molave are those that were illegally living in the area many years ago. In fact, they were referred to as “squatters” before. When Gawad Kalinga Foundation came and helped, the families were given better-looking, more durable homes that made them interact with one another more often, which resulted to a more specific Gawad Kalinga Molave community. The family that I interacted with were not very particular with their finances as long as they have enough for their basic needs. This is exhibited in the low prices they sell their street food products. They were selling the squid balls at PhP 1.00 each, which shocked me since I normally buy it at PhP 3.00 per piece. When I asked the wife why they sell them at such low prices, she said that the buyers are just kids who barely have enough money. The wife said that she is not really aiming to get a huge profit, but just to have something to be busy with while she waits for her kids to come home from school. This is conformity in an environment that mostly share the same amount of incomes and worry of the same expenses. Numerous children in the area were not yet in school despite being aged five or six. This is in contrast to what the wife said to me. She said that their family values education. It is probable, therefore, that not everyone in the area have the means to send their kids to school. Finally, I noticed that most of the kids in the area were very active in playing outdoor games. This may be a way for the children to informally acquire the disposition of habitus.
When I went to Gawad Kalinga Molave, I can describe my habitus as professional habitus, especially because I went with my fellow Ateneans. Most of us are from the upper class of society, with the majority speaking English at all times. Most of us have the material and cultural means to access prestigious activities. Most of us are not very particular with finances because we know that we have more than enough. Some of us were not comfortable in playing outdoor games with the children because of the lack of prior interaction with them. Nonetheless, in a more personal level, I can describe my habitus as slightly similar to those in Gawad Kalinga Molave. I come from a low-income family but was able to study in good institutions through scholarships. As such, I am able to relate to the two predominant habitus that existed during our visit–those of Gawad Kalinga Molave and of the Ateneo.
There are several differences and few similarities between the two habitus. This can be primarily attributed to the difference in social class from which the two habitus are based. They have contrasting competencies, lifestyle preferences, and expectations. Further, the age gap between the members of the groups may also be a factor. The Ateneo group were teenagers and were not used to a place like Gawad Kalinga Molave. On the other hand, the Gawad Kalinga Molave community is comprised of individuals of varying age groups. There were infants, kids, teenagers, and adults. Further, Swartz (2002) emphasized that “habitus gives practices a particular manner or style.” The members of Gawad Kalinga Molave can be identified as balanced, while some of the visitors from the Ateneo can be described as awkward. In spite of these, it was noticeable that both habitus were similar in terms of the belief on the need for good education, and of actions that reflect one’s values (i.e., honesty, hospitality). Further, they were both flexible in terms of lifestyle during that time.
Swartz, David (2002). The Sociology of Habit: The Perspective of Pierre Bourdieu. The Occupational Therapy Journal of Research.
