“Some emphasize the fact that pompier artists often came from more modest social stock than the revolutionaries who toppled them, which is true. This social paradox is interesting: when a universe is relatively autonomous in relation to the social order – i.e., when this universe is what I call a ‘field’, in my terminology – revolutionaries are often privileged, well-heeled people. Manet was an example of this phenomenon, and his revolutionary disposition certainly had something to do with the fact that he was born into privilege, and even more importantly, perhaps, that the success of the revolution he started – this is one of the arguments I am going to develop – would have been inconceivable if his considerable capital had consisted merely of the requisite academic and academically certified skills, and if he had not also had social capital, connections and therefore a certain amount of symbolic capital linked to his friends...
In fact, the core of the argument I want to sketch out today is that the symbolic revolution interferes with, and thereby challenges, the categories of perception of the viewing subject. By attacking them, by calling them into question, the symbolic revolution obliges them to reveal themselves, as it were. The heresiarch, as I said earlier, defamiliarizes and upsets the public, its receptor, and throws them into a state of indignation; he scandalizes them and, at the same time, he leads them to articulate explicitly what it is that is commonplace, obvious and ‘goes without saying’, what it is that authoritative critics, especially the more authoritative, are most reluctant to say.“