If it is true that one of the defining criteria of kitsch is not simply its perceived sentimentality but predictability, a predictability that constitutes itself as a ready-made emotional and aesthetic effect, then it seems not too fantastic to say that Lenin’s mummy has always been kitsch.
Socialist realist art does not confidently believe in the transparency of the visual as, for example, some of the Russian realist painters of the nineteenth century did. Rather, it assuredly seeks the manipulation of consciousness, using those aesthetic and political techniques that (almost) automatically secure specific emotional responses. Rather than continuously seeking an ideological and theoretical justification for this “collective mechanization of consciousness,” it functions as a magic force that programmatically arouses a certain predictable emotional and behavioral response, not in the Freudian or Jungian but in Pavlovian sense. It is this automatism that Milan Kundera (1991: 251) describes as kitsch’s tear: “The feeling induced by kitsch must be a be kitsch the multitudes can share. Kitsch [. . .] must derive from the basic images people have engraved in their memories: the ungrateful daughter, the neglected father, children running on grass, the motherland betrayed, first love. Kitsch causes two tears to flow in quick succession. The first tear says: How nice to see children running on the grass! The second tear says: How nice to be moved, together with all mankind, by children running on grass! It is the second tear that makes kitsch kitsch.” In the Lenin mummy, the tear is the sentimental response, of artifice and exaggeration, of larger-than-life grandeur and mythical historical representation that marks it as poshlyi and kitsch. The very choice and predominance of “predictable” colors –red and gold – in the mausoleum, the marble, and its soft light generate an excessive sentimentality, an elegiac image of Soviet life, a picturesque ruins of idyllic collectivity.
Petra Rethmann, “The Discreet Charm of Lenin,” Journal of Historical Sociology (2013), doi:10.1111/johs.12017





