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Layth Malhis (ليث ملحيس), The Systematic Targeting of Healthcare In Palestine: From the British Mandate to the Siege of Gaza, «Policy Papers», Institute for Palestine Studies, Beirut, Ramallah, and Washington, D.C., February 3, 2026 (pdf here)
Hamdan Taha (حمدان طه), Destruction of Cultural Heritage in Gaza, «Policy Papers», Institute for Palestine Studies, Beirut, Ramallah, and Washington, D.C., January 30, 2024
Rania Qassrawi (رانيا قصراوي), Higher Education in the Gaza Strip: Challenges and Future Prospects amid and after the October 7 War, «Policy Papers» أوراق سياسات 086, Institute for Palestine Studies, August 2024
Abdul Latif Zaki Abu Hashem (عبد اللطيف زكي أبو هاشم), The Deliberate Destruction of Archives, Cultural Institutions and Libraries in Gaza City, «Policy Papers» 068 أوراق سياسات, Institute for Palestine Studies, March 2024
Rola Chahwan (رلى شهوان), Gaza's Archives and the Continued Destruction, «Policy Papers» أوراق سياسات 063, Institute for Palestine Studies, March 2024
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Lumad’s Cri de Coeur: Stop the Killings!
I- Summary
The Lumad peoples are a group of indigenous people of Mindanao. They signified the original inhabitants of Mindanao and the umbrella term of Lumad actually means “Born of the Earth” and it is also a Cebuano term of “native”. Lumads are said to be composed of at least 17 entholinguistic groups.
Throughout history the Lumad people have been displaced but recently the force eviction from their homelands have been more frequent and more violent. All across the Mindanao thousands of Lumad people have fled their homes due to harassments and killings by the military and paramilitary groups. Lumads also have been deprived of basic social services such as health care and education which is why with the support of the church institutions and grassroots organizations, many Lumad communities have established alternative schools and programs provide education for their children. But even these schools are not safe from the harassments; thousands of Lumad schooled children are being threatened. Lumad schools across Mindanao have been violently attacked and occupied by military and paramilitary groups.
In the past year alone dozens of their community leaders and elders have been brutally murdered, three of them just this September. Namely Emerito Samarca head of Alternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development or ALCADEV, Dionel Campos chairman of Malahutayong Pakigbisog Alang sa Sumusunod or MAPASU and Jovillo Sinzo a leader and cousin of Campos. And last August, an entire family was massacred—the Samia Family. Within just the last few months the senseless killings of Lumads have escalated at an alarming rate and this has to stop.
Why are they killing Lumads? One of the reasons and probably the biggest reason is that the ancestral homeland of the Lumads is one of the richest deposits of gold and natural resources in the world. In fact 80% of the mining permits and agreements in Mindanao are all located within Lumad Lands but the Lumad people do not benefit from any of these and in reality they suffer from it. The increasing figure of extrajudicial killings under the current Aquino government, particularly targeting Lumads and other indigenous peoples in the Philippines, is a clear indication of its failure to protect and respect the inherent rights to life and dignity of its citizens. Killings of innocent civilians at the hands of paramilitary and security forces are gross violations of human rights that demand immediate justice.
Year’s timeline about the Lumad attacks
May
More than 700 Lumad were displaced from Talaingon in Davao del Norte after alleged government forces and the anti-communist paramilitary group Alamara occupied several villages in the town and in Kapalong. Human rights groups reported of cases of harassments, vilification and indiscriminate firing.
June
The Department of Education Region XI declared that the schools were "not closed but just not reopened.” And announced that the schools would be replaced by the military using "para-teachers" or soldiers who will act as teachers.
July
23- More than 500 policemen and government agents conducted a "rescue operation" to force Lumads to return home. The event resulted in violence after the police forcibly opened the gates of the center and stormed with their truncheons and shields, which left at least 17 Lumads, including a tribal elder and 2 cops.
26-Chaloka Beyani, the United Nations special rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons, went to the evacuation center in Davao City to talk to the tribal leaders and displaced residents. He said that his impression was the Lumad were not being detained inside the evacuation center contrary to the claims of the military. Beyani said no one should forcibly take away the Lumad from the evacuation center.
August
13-Beyani issued another statement, saying that the military "distorted and misrepresented" his views making it appear that he was accusing support groups of manipulating the Lumad. Eastern Mindanao Command's spokesperson Colonel Eduardo Gubat resigned after making a public apology.
18- Five Lumad, including a 13-year-old and a 17-year-old, were killed by the Special Forces in Pangantucan town in Bukidnon. The military said they were rebels, but the New People's Army denied the claims, saying the victims were civilians. Later, the 4th Infantry Division, despite their press releases and press conferences claiming that the 5 Lumad were rebels, recanted and accused the NPA of killing the victims.
24- A 14-year-old Manobo girl from Talaingod filed rape charges against 3 soldiers. The military confirmed that the suspects were soldiers, but explained that the charges were dropped after they paid P 63,000 to the family.
27-Soldiers arrested 11 Manobo tribal and farmer leaders in the town of Kitaotao and transported them by a helicopter. They declared that the village was already "liberated" from the NPA. The military said the arrest was made after they served 57 search warrants in a community of suspected communist rebels, where they reportedly yielded an improvised M16 rifle, an M79 grenade launcher, 3 rifle grenades, two explosives, and subversive documents.
28-Several families fled their homes after the Bagani paramilitary group, led by a certain Jasmin Acevedo, killed Lumad brothers Crisanto and Loloy Tagugol in the poblacion area of San Miguel town in Surigao del Sur.
September
1-At least 2,000 residents from the village of Diatagon in Lianga, Surigao del Sur, were displaced after a group of paramilitary allegedly accompanied by soldiers, killed Emerico Samarca, executive director of ALCADEV. After killing Samarca, the armed men peppered with bullets Dionel Campos chairperson of MAPASU and his cousin Datu Bello Sinzo while the entire village was watching.
2-At least 10 houses, corn sheller owned by the community in Kabulohan and a Lumad school were burned by the Magahat-Bagani paramilitary group in the community in Panocmo-an in Diatagon, Lianga, Surigao de Sur.
4-Residents sought refuge after an armored personnel carrier and two 6x6 military trucks carrying soldiers in full battle gear rolled inside a village in Pangantucan, Bukidnon.
8-Five Lumad evacuees were arrested by a cop in Tandag City for distributing leaflets about the recent attacks.
28-A 44-year-old Lito Abion of the Lumad organization Tagdumahan was shot dead by 3 motorcycle-riding men in San Luis town, Agusan del Sur.
II- Pre-existing Policies
The Republic Act No. 8371 is an act to recognize, protect and promote the rights of Indigenous Cultural Communities/Indigenous Peoples, creating a national commission on Indigenous Peoples, establishing implementing mechanisms, appropriating funds therefore, and for other purposes. This act contains 13 chapters and a total of 84 sections.
Chapter 1 is the General Provisions contains the first and second sections for this act.
Chapter 2 contains the third section that explains the definition of terms.
Chapter 3 is the Rights to Ancestral Domains it contains the fourth up to twelfth sections.
Chapter 4 is the Right to Self-Governance and Empowerment it contains the thirteenth up to twentieth sections.
Chapter 5 is for the Social Justice and Human Rights it contains the twenty-first up to twenty-eighth sections.
Chapter 6 is for the Cultural Integrity it contains the twenty-ninth up to thirty-seventh sections.
Chapter 7 is the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) it contains the thirty-eighth up to fiftieth sections.
Chapter 8 is the Delineation and Recognition of Ancestral Domains it contains the fifty-first up to sixty-fourth sections.
Chapter 9 is the Jurisdiction and Procedures for Enforcement of Rights it contains the sixty-fifth up to seventieth sections.
Chapter 10 is the Ancestral Domains Fund contains the seventy-first sections.
Chapter 11 is the Penalties containing the seventy-second and seventy-third sections.
Chapter 12 is the Merger of the Office for Northern Cultural Communities (ONCC) and the Office for Southern Cultural Communities (OSCC) this contains the seventy-fourth to seventy-seventh section.
Chapter 13 is the Final Provisions. This contains the seventy-eighth up to eighty-fourth sections.
III. Assessments of the Policies
Benjamin Y. Navarro regional head of National Statistical Coordination Board Cordillera Administrative Region presented a survey he entitled it “Measuring Indigenous Peoples’ Rights in the Philippines: The Metagora Experience”. It is a Pilot Study on the Diagnosis of Indigenous People’s Rights to Ancestral Domains and Ancestral Lands in the Philippines. He presented these following graphs:
Awareness of their Rights to Ancestral Domains and Ancestral Lands between the Bago, Bugkalot and Kankana-ey Tribes.
Findings
Bugkalot
Kankana-ey
Bago
Right of ownership
95.7
94.8
89.3
Right in case of displacement
38.9
72.4
68.7
Right to regulate entry of migrants
89.4
95.2
92.0
Right to develop lands and natural resources
99.4
100
98
Right to safe and clean water
99.4
100
98
Right to claim parts of reservations
71.7
68.4
59.3
Right to resolve conflict
84.9
92.8
73.3
With full possession, IPs can be said to fully enjoy their rights as human beings
93.7
92
86.7
IV. Recommendations and Conclusions
For this big problem of our country, I highly recommend to our government not to put the Lumad’s lives into risk just to benefit from their lands. They should live the Lumads alone! For they nurture our culture and keep the memories of our ancestors alive. We abused too much already of their goodness. In our Philippine History, we really know that the Lumads did not fight back to the conquerors, they just let them stole their lands. Until such time, the Americans brought the Filipinos who live in the upper parts of the Philippines to the Mindanao to cultivate their lands but they never give it back to them. We did not hear a word from the Lumads about that. But now, even there is no conquerors it is so sad that their fellow Filipinos continue to steal their lands from them just because of its treasures. Even though years passed by and they left them very small of amount of lands their fellow Filipinos still wanted to get it from them. Almost all the Lumads of Mindanao are like playing hide and seek game and the one will be caught will face their final curtain. They once owned the big parts of Mindanao, but where are they now? Today they are in the remote areas of their own lands.
To our government, change the law to not to approve any permits or agreements of mining anymore in any Lumad areas. Intensify the security that holds the foreign companies who planned to put their mining or whatever business they will do here in Mindanao. Ratify the suggestions of the leaders and elders of the Lumads. Hear them!
References:
#StopLumadKillings: What you need to know. Retrieved 4 September 2015, from http://tonyocruz.com/?p=4805
TIMELINE: Attacks on the Lumad of Mindanao. Retrieved 16 September 2015, from
http://www.rappler.com/nation/105847-timeline-attacks-lumad-mindanao
Philippines: Stop turning Mindanao into a killing field of Lumads
. Retrieved 4 September 2015, from
http://aippnet.org/index.php/statements/1559-philippines-stop-turning-mindanao-into-a-killing-field-of-lumads
Republic Act No. 8371. Retrieved 29 October 1997, from
http://www.gov.ph/1997/10/29/republic-act-no-8371/
MEASURING INDIGENOUS PEOPLES’ RIGHTS IN THE PHILIPPINES: THE METAGORA EXPERIENCE. From file:///C:/Users/ADMIN/Downloads/12%20metagora_john%20hay.pdf
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Pedophile’s Bliss: Child Prostitution in Sri Lanka
I. Summary
Modern technology affected so much our modern world; in terms of transportation, communication and other infrastructure. The accessibility of the people to new places had extremely increased. When tourism and travelling had contributed large amounts of income, promoted a greater understanding and cause a major contribution to worldwide Gross Domestic Product (GDP), it also contributed to the emergence of another trend – the Child Sex Tourism (CST). Although this is widely observed in South East Asia, it is reported that Sri Lanka is the most affected of this. The United Nations defines CST as “tourism organized with the primary purpose of facilitating the effecting of a commercial-sexual relationship with a child”.
According to 2015 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report, Sri Lanka was described as the primarily source of children that were subjected to forced labor and sex tourism. Child labor, sex trafficking and sex tourism are not new to Sri Lanka. Years ago, before the stringent child labor laws were introduce, children were already used in all kinds of labor. Sex tourism of children has always been high in Sri Lanka especially in coastal areas which made them as a tourist destination throughout the years of insurgency. It was allegedly reported also that most of the children engaged in this sex trade were forced into prostitution by their own parents. The 2015 TIP report also confirms that boys are likely than girls to be forced into prostitution.
The Government is much aware about this issue but Sri Lanka is also benefiting from the trafficking by the amount of tourists that come to visit their country for the sole intention of searching out young children especially boys. If they were to put a stop to the trend, they would no longer have sufficient funds to support their country’s needs. According to UNICEF and ILO (International Labor Organization) there are 40,000 child prostitutes in Sri Lanka and 6.4% of the country’s child population gets pregnant. For many NGOs also, although girls are sexually exploited both in sex industry and by sex tourists, they believe that it is boys who face greater abuse by foreign sex offenders. (NGO-Ending Child Prostitution, Pornography and Trafficking).
It was believed that the Sri Lankan tsunami that happened 11 years ago created thousands of poor families. It unexpectedly aided the child sex trade. Most of the children trapped in the child sex trade are from the poorest of the poor families who are too hungry that turns them into very desperate ones making their own children prime target for child predators. It is further stated that the demand is endless, so it will only possibly stop by the cut-off of supply.
II. Pre-existing Policies
National Legislation and Policies Against Child Labour in Sri Lanka
1. Legislation
· Constitutional safeguards Under the Constitution of Sri Lanka, 1978, Article 27 (13) Directive Principles of State Policy and Fundamental Duties, the State pledges to 'promote with special care the interest of children and youth so as to ensure their full development, physical, mental, moral, religious, and social, and to protect them from exploitation and discrimination'. In addition, the Draft Constitution (August 2000) Article 22, entitled Special Rights for Children, gives constitutional guarantees to the right of a child to be protected from abuse; to have access to free education between the ages of 5 and 14, and to not be employed in any hazardous activity. It also defines conclusively a child as a person under the age of 18 years
· Minimum age for employment The minimum age for employment of children was raised to 14 years in December 1999 by an amendment to the Employment of Women, Young Persons and Children Act (No. 47), 1956. At present, the minimum age of employment in all sectors is 14 years. Further, through the Ministry of Labour, the legislation has been amended to provide for payment of compensation to victims, by employers violating the minimum age of employment laws.
· Child trafficking
In April, 2006 the Penal Code was amended to reflect the international standards prescribed by the ILO Convention No. 182 and now deems the trafficking of persons for exploitative employment as a crime. The Penal Code was also amended in 2006 to recognize the recruitment of children in armed conflict as a crime, even where such recruitment is not forced or compulsory in nature.
· Hazardous Child Labour
In August 2006, there has been a change in the legislation which now empowers the Ministry of Labour to enact laws that prohibit the employment of children in hazardous forms of child labour. Accordingly, a list of hazardous forms of child labour is in the process of being finalized.
· Compulsory education
Under the regulations framed in 1997, under the Education Ordinance of 1940, education and attendance at school were made compulsory for every Sri Lankan child aged between 5 and 14 years.
2. Government policies and programmes Since 1994, the Government of Sri Lanka has given high priority to the protection of children from physical and sexual abuse, from exploitation through child labour, and from the effects of armed conflict. In 1996, a Presidential Task Force on the prevention and control of child abuse was set up, which made far-reaching recommendations, including the establishment of a National Child Protection Authority (NCPA) functioning under the direct purview of the Executive President. The NCPA was established in June 1999. The basic goal of the NCPA is the elimination of child abuse in all its forms and manifestations. The NCPA operates in four main areas: protection, advocacy, rehabilitation, and legal reform. Since very often, child abuse entails an element of trafficking, the NCPA is the pre-eminent national agency driving the anti-trafficking mission. With support from the ILO's International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC), the NCPA has initiated an anti-trafficking unit. The powers and functions of the NCPA and its strategic location under the Executive President eminently qualify it to be the coordinating agency with the relevant ministries, provincial councils, local authorities, and private as well as public sector organizations.
III. Assessment of the Policies
Goonasekere, S. and Abeyratne, A., 1986 conducted a survey. This survey of child prostitution in Sri Lanka covers areas of exploitation and child abuse as well as the ineffectiveness of the legal system in dealing with these problems. The paper concludes that parents' willingness to exploit their children' labour has encouraged both employers and poor parents to view children as an economic resource for the family and has transferred the burden of family support onto them. The focus on prostitution in public places and on protecting girls rather than boys should be altered, together with the current attitude of viewing the boy victim as an offender and the girl victim only in need of care and rehabilitation.
The statute laws on child labour and those which regulate child prostitution by trying to control adult activities and the conduct of the child should be child orientated. While there is a permissible attitude towards adult exploitation, the child is sometimes viewed as the offender or the disadvantaged person whose interests may be ignored. The authors discuss the futility of trying to implement legislation. It’s not that laws do not exist, there are 58 laws for child welfare, but they are not a course for redress when they should be. The discussion seeks to address these problems but does not take adequate account of the different ways in which child prostitution operates and the demand caused by the tourist trade.
IV. Recommendations and Conclusions
To completely stop the child prostitution in Sri Lanka, I highly recommend to their government to focus first to the parents of the children because it is in their hands the control of their child. If the government implements laws and policies that protect children and the main violators of those are their parents, it makes no sense. Parents were the first mentors of their children, it will depend unto their teachings the perception of their child about many things. If they will taught at their early age that selling of their body and soul to foreigners was right then it always be alright for them to do so. The Government must implement first, jobs for the parents. The settlement also affects their livelihood, as we observed most sex trades in this country happened in coastal areas. So I also suggest resettlement for those families.
As I have stated on the summary, Sri Lanka is the primary source for sex workers and the demand is endless, so it will only possibly stop by the cut-off of supply. How to cut-off the supply? Simple, it is to stop the main source of the supply—the children’s parents. For them to be able to stop viewing their child as a piece of meat that always ready in any minute for selling, they must know first the consequences of that doing. Information about the laws and policies should be widely and publicly spread and the punishments should be something weighty, not just bails.
References:
Child Prostitution in Sri Lanka. Retrieved 15 December 2014, from https://prezi.com/m5m4zxo6rvwy/child-prostitution-in-sri-lanka/
Top Five Countries with Highest Rates of Child Prostitution. Retrieved February 6, 2014, from http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/top-five-countries-highest-rates-child-prostitution-1435448
Child Sex Trafficking a Big Slur. Retrieved 2014, from http://www.khaleejtimes.com/article/20120622/ARTICLE/306229973/1028
Trafficking in Persons Report 2015. Retrieved 2015, from http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2015/243366.htm
Peace and Conflict. Retrieved 2012, from
http://www.monitor.upeace.org/innerpg.cfm?id_article=873
National Legislation and Policies Against Child Labour in Sri Lanka. From https://www.ilo.org/legacy/english/regions/asro/newdelhi/ipec/responses/srilanka/national.htm
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