Hickel and colleagues find that, in 2021, the economies of the global North net-appropriated 826 billion hours of embodied labour from the g
seen from United Kingdom

seen from Malaysia
seen from Russia
seen from United States

seen from Russia
seen from China
seen from Türkiye
seen from Russia

seen from Australia

seen from United Kingdom
seen from Bulgaria
seen from Malaysia
seen from United States

seen from United Kingdom
seen from United Kingdom
seen from Türkiye
seen from South Korea

seen from Malaysia
seen from Malaysia

seen from Malaysia
Hickel and colleagues find that, in 2021, the economies of the global North net-appropriated 826 billion hours of embodied labour from the g
"The effect of unequal exchange is to exacerbate the desire for profit—to the extent that it places obstacles in the way of its full satisfaction—and thus to intensify the methods of extracting surplus labor.Having said that, the three mechanisms identified—the intensification of work, the extension of the working day, and the expropriation of part of the labor necessary for the worker to replenish his labor power—give rise to a mode of production based exclusively on the greater exploitation of the worker, and not on the development of his productive capacity. This is consistent with the low level of development of the productive forces in the Latin American economy, but also with the kinds of activities that are carried out there.
[...]
It is also important to note that, in the three mechanisms considered, the essential feature is that the worker is denied the conditions necessary to replenish his labor power that has been worn away: in the first two cases, this is because the worker is forced to expend more labor power than he would normally provide, leading to his premature exhaustion; in the last case, it is because even the possibility of consuming what is strictly necessary to maintain his labor power in a normal state is taken away. In capitalist terms, these mechanisms (which, moreover, can and usually do occur in combination) mean that labor [power] is remunerated below its value, and thus amount to a super-exploitation of labor."
- Ruy Mauro Marini, The Dialectics of Dependency
"Unequal exchange” describes a situation whereby semi-peripheral countries export commodities embodying a comparatively greater amount of labour in exchange for commodities imported from core regions embodying a comparatively smaller amount of labour. Their exchange with peripheral regions is vice versa.
(See: Immanuel Wallerstein. The Capitalist World Economy: Essays by Immanuel Wallerstein. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979, p. 71.)
Weiterlesen: Hickel: The Divide, S. 24-32 Hickel: Qualifying national responsibility for climate breakdown Cope: Divided World, Divided Class Cope: The Wealth of (Some) Nations
A crucial strategy for transformation in the 21st century.
Delinking was best described by the Egyptian economist Samir Amin. He started from the observation that the capitalist world economy is characterised by a stark division of labour between the imperial core (often glossed as the global North) and the periphery (the global South). In this system, the core states seek to monopolise the most profitable forms of production and establish control over global commodity chains, while preventing sovereign development in the periphery to maintain it as a subordinate supplier of cheap labour. Southern labour and resources are roped into producing things like sweatshop goods and plantation commodities for the core, at compressed market prices, rather than producing for local human needs and national development. Amin pointed out that this system is characterised by large core-periphery price disparities and therefore unequal exchange in international trade. The South is made dependent on imports of technologies and producer goods from the core at monopoly prices, and to pay for this they have to export massive quantities of artificially cheapened commodities and manufactured goods, thus generating a net-transfer of value from the periphery to the core. This enriches the core but drains the periphery of resources necessary for development. This system produces and perpetuates poverty and underdevelopment in the South. There is nothing inevitable about poverty; it is an effect of imperialist dynamics in the world economy. The global South has extraordinary productive capacities; massive labour power, land, factories and resources. The problem is they do not have sovereign control over production. To address this problem, Amin called for a process of delinking, which for him contains two key elements: 1) Delink from exploitation by the imperial core. Southern states should end dependence on imports from the core, and end dependence on imperial capital and core currencies, in order to build economic sovereignty and mitigate unequal exchange. Note that Amin was not calling for autarky or isolation; on the contrary, he actively encouraged South-South cooperation and trade as a tactic for overcoming imperial dependencies. 2) Delink from the capitalist law of value. Under capitalism, production is organised around whatever is most profitable to capital (largely, foreign capital). In the South, capital prefers to exploit cheap labour in global supply chains than to invest in technological innovation and industrial upgrading. This inhibits development. Southern governments must overcome this and align production to a new law of value: human needs and national development.
24 November 2025
Demand for coffee is growing, and climate change threatens supply—yet consumers don’t want to pay more. In an intensified and unequal indust
Today, many countries in the Global South are still reliant on exporting cash crops and raw materials to the Global North, often importing the finished goods at a higher price. As Fidel Castro put it in a famous 1953 speech, “We export sugar to import candy, we export hides to import shoes, we export iron to import plows”. This exemplifies unequal exchange, a Marxist economic theory coined by Arghiri Emmanuel in 1972 which posits that rich countries in the Global North are able to grow their economies and prosper by keeping more of the value of trade with the Global South. “[Rich] countries retain the highest-profit industries for themselves, and push agriculture and other less profitable industries, kind of keep them concentrated in poor countries”, says Kelly Austin, professor of sociology and global studies at Lehigh University in Pennsylvania. Take, for example, instant coffee. This sector of the industry is dominated by the largest coffee companies, who source and import the very cheapest beans they can. Those beans are sent to factories which use advanced equipment to process them into instant coffee. That final product is then sold at a significant markup, and often exported back to the very countries that grew the coffee in the first place. These dynamics go beyond just trade. Rich countries and multinational corporations also externalise the environmental costs of their consumption. Since the 1970s, neoliberal “green development” policies have pushed coffee farmers to intensify their production, clearing shade trees in order to boost yields and meet growing demand. The result has been consistently cheap coffee prices for consumers, but stagnant income for farmers, and environmental and social harms for their communities. Coffee does come at a cost—it’s just that those in the Global North aren’t footing the bill.
10 April 2026
The capitalist economy is a world-system, where growth and accumulation in the imperial core (e.g, the US and Western Europe) relies heavily on the appropriation of cheap labour and resources from the periphery and semi-periphery, or the global South. Western states and firms need Southern states to remain subordinated suppliers of cheap labour, raw materials and consumer goods within global commodity chains. In order to maintain this arrangement, the core states must find ways to suppress sovereign economic development in the South. Sovereign development means Southerners begin to escape their subordination, produce more for themselves, increase their wages, and consume their own output. This makes resources and inputs more expensive for the core, which constrains their consumption and makes it more difficult for them to realise profits. This is the key point: economic sovereignty in the periphery threatens capital accumulation in the core. To avoid this, the core states must constantly intervene to prevent or crush any movement or government in the periphery that seeks national liberation and economic sovereignty.
Jason Hickel, Why does the US support Israel's crimes?
As world-system scholars have demonstrated, one of the key features of capitalism is that it requires an imperial arrangement. Capital accumulation needs an ever-increasing flow of labour and resources as inputs to production, which must be obtained at the cheapest possible price. This process entails very severe social and ecological contradictions, and cannot be sustained for long within a bounded economy. Capital accumulation in the core therefore requires a periphery from which it can obtain a steady supply of cheap inputs, and suppress rebellions with as much force as necessary, in order to maintain profits. This core-periphery dynamic has shaped the world economy for the past 500 years. During the colonial period, core states intervened to shift production in the periphery away from sovereign development to supply exports to the core on unfavourable terms. In the “post-colonial” era, they have sought to organize peripheral production in subordinate positions within global commodity chains dominated by core firms, while intervening—using structural adjustment programmes, sanctions and even outright invasion—to prevent Southern states from using strategies of nationalization, industrial policy and planning to achieve sovereign industrialization. Through these mechanisms, the periphery is in large part denied control over its own productive capacities, denied control of its own output, and kept in conditions of dependency and underdevelopment.
Jason Hickel, Ecomodernism, Green Growth and the Imperial Arrangement