Restorative Reproducing of Ukiyo-e Print, Taking the Example of Toyokuni Utagawa III, "Fifty-three Stations of the Tokaido, Choemon Minakuchi".
（This article is a revision of a manuscript , that I submitted to a research journal but was rejected. Please read on the premise of verification deficiencies. )
Although a number of reproduced Ukiyo-e prints (hereinafter referred to as “reproduction”) have been created so far, they were basically imitative but not restorative. There are few studies on reproductions. But, from the point of view of references to reproductions, comparative observation of works, and observations from carvers and printers of the traditional japanese woodblock printmaking (for example, what is meant by “excellent reproduction,” and what attention is paid to when reproducing ), it could be said that reproductions have developed as improved works while aiming for artistic improvement from the point of materials such as techniques of carving and printing , paper and paint , or awareness of producing, rather than from the point of how to reproduce works of the same quality as those of the Edo period (i.e., restorability).
In response to these traditional reproductions, I have been working on reproducing ,focusing on restorability. At the same time, I have been conducting researches on the techniques and materials of Ukiyo-e prints in the Edo period as a fundamental thing regarding restorability. Although it is still in the middle of the process, this paper introduces the research using the example of “Fifty-three Stations of the Tokaido, Choemon Minakuchi" by Toyokuni Utagawa III (1852).
II About the Original Print
The original print was selected on the basis of my budget and good state of preservation. I received an expert opinion on the print as authentic work of the Edo period from Toshiyuki Hara of Hara Shobo. According to Junichi Okubo's, “Ukiyoe shuppanron tairyo seisan shohi sareru bijutsu” (2013) (Note 1), it is thought that this work was printed at least until 1853 February , after which it became out of print. In addition, according to this book, it is considered that it was published at the time with prints that divided the 3 grades, but the original print of this time is considered others than the highest grade. Ukiyo-e prints from the Edo period are often printed in accordance with sales, and color materials and paper used have also changed during the Edo period. Therefore, in particular, from the perspective of research on materials, it is desirable that a work to be selected as the original print (of course shouldn't be a fake or reproduction of later generations and) is a work that with an attested year of publication of the first edition, and that is as close to the first edition as possible; it can be said that this original print conforms to these conditions to some extent.
III Color Materials Analysis of the Original Print
Most of the colored materials used in Ukiyo-e prints in the Edo period can not be judged with the naked eye, and scientific analytical investigation is necessary for this purpose. I asked Horiba Techno Service Co., Ltd. for this analysis. Four measuring instruments were used: HORIBA XGT- 5200 Painting Measurement Specifications, HORIBA Micro Laser Raman Spectroscopic Analyzer, HORIBA Raman Microscope, and Bruker FTIR LUMOS. In the analysis of the original print, color samples (Note 2) prepared by me in advance were measured as a reference. XGT-5200 was also measured for samples of colored materials (except for orpiment) printed on wood ash-boiled rice-powdered Japanese paper made from mulberry bark fiber or soda-ash-boiled Japanese paper made from mulberry bark fiber.(Those are reproductions I made in the past.) Then, for the total of 18 points shown in the following figures, cross-checking was performed using all four instruments for each point. For the “XGT-5200”, measurements were also performed on three blank areas of paper to clarify the reactions derived from colored materials.
Based on the results of the analysis, the color materials estimated to be highly likely to be used are described below.
1 Lead white, Sumi, Prussian blue
2 Sumi, Safflower red, Red iron oxide
4 Orpiment, Prussian blue
5 Lead white, Prussian blue, Lead sulfate (Note 3)
6Lead white, Prussian blue
7 Orpiment, Lead white, Prussian blue
8 Orpiment, Prussian blue
9 Aobanagami, Safflower red
10 Orpiment, Prussian blue
11 Orpiment, Prussian blue
13 Lead white, Sumi, Indigo
15 Orpiment, Sumi, Prussian blue, Red iron oxide
18 Safflower red, Red iron oxide, Titanium white (although there are examples of Titanium white being used as "white" among today’s printers, the production of this color material has been since the 20th century (Note 5), and the background of its use（estimated） in the original print is not yet explored at my present.
III Color Materials Survey for Reproducing
I used "suzuka sumi" from lamp soot, which is currently produced. The method used in this time was the method of “tsuke-zumi” (the method is that soaking a piece of sumi in water and then grinding that softened sumi on a mortar or inkstone to make ink), but the method differs slightly from document to document. The soaking period includes four kinds: “several days,” “about six months,” “about one year,” and “about one and a half years to three years.” (Note 6). And it is later either “grinded with a spatula on an inkstone” or “grinded with a mortar and pestle” to make ink. This time, in accordance with the method used in my time as a printer, the soaked sumi about an year were used by grinding with a mortar and pestle. It is said that in the early Meiji period, the printers were divided into three types according to their occupation: “sumi-printing (sumi-zuri)” for printing books, “color-printing (iro-zuri)” for printing Ukiyoe, etc., and “noshi-ya” for printing noshi paper, etc. Although there would have been differences of the kind of sumi or the method for use depending on the times or those printers' occupation, I would like to await future researches on the clarification of these differences.
I made a prototype using safflower cake, straw ash, wood ash, rice vinegar, and plum as raw materials, referring to Masunari Ohseki's,"Soshun biko" (1817) (Note 8). According to a literature survey related to the production method, there are two types of production methods of safflower red materials. After the yellow pigment contained in safflower cake is washed away by water, red pigment is extracted using an alkaline solution, but after that, pure red pigment is separated and recovered from the extract using cloth such as cotton and hemp, and the method was not performed. The former method is generally confirmed in documents related to manufacturing methods from the Edo period. In the “Kogyo shimpo” （1877） (Note 9) or “Beni:Isehan hyakunanajunenshi" （1959）(Note 10), it is mentioned the necessity of obtaining red pigments with higher purity, except for impurities such as yellow pigments contained in the extract with alkali solution. On the other hand, although the latter method is not as much confirmed in the literature as the former method, it is mentioned in “Soshun biko” (Note 11), and it is said that the method is inferior in gloss to the method using (hemp) cloth. Although the yellow pigment contained in the safflower cake dissolves in water, based on literature research and my trial-making experience, it seems impossible to completely remove the yellow pigment from the safflower cake solely by water, and it is considered that a certain amount of the yellow pigment is contained in the subsequent extract with an alkaline solution. According to Jiro Yamaoka’s “Shogakusenshokuho senryoyakuhin no bu” (1877-1878) (Note 12), yellow pigments in safflowers are said some dissolve in water and the others in alkaline solutions. The same reference is made in Segawa Rinjiro’s “Shikiryo shimpen” (1910) (Note 13), and the amount of water-soluble yellow pigment inside the safflower pigment is said to be about one third of the total. (In addition, most of the safflower pigments are originally composed of yellow pigments.) It is difficult to believe that "hon-beni" could have been made or produced without the aforementioned work of separating and recovering the red pigment from the cloth. Even if it can be made, assuming that the waste of red pigment should be avoided, among the solutions extracted repeatedly by alkali solution, those with a large amount of red pigment will be used for "hon-beni", and the rest for "saiku-beni". However, in this case, as seen in Inuki Tachihara related documents (Note 14), the situation of the past seems unlikely to occur, whereby the production process of "hon-beni" producing is carried on while that of "saiku-beni" producing is discontinued, including the production process. In recent years, it has been said that the purity of the red pigment in "hon-beni" is lower than that of the red pigment in "saiku-beni" (including a large amount of yellow pigment), but according to the literature data from the Meiji period onward, it is thought that it is the high-purity refined red (used for lipstick, etc.) using the aforementioned cloth was added to the starch paste from as "uki-ko" (Note 15). In “Beni:Isehan hyakunanajunenshi" (Note 16), it is mentioned that adding "uki-ko" paste makes it easier to use and handle paints and other materials. I have not yet confirmed what kind of "saiku-beni" was in the Edo period. Nakagawa Gorozaemon's “"Edo kaimono hitori annai" (1811) (Note 17) shows that there was a ultra fine "saiku-beni" ,so it is thought there was " saiku-beni" which had a high red pigment purity. If the addition of starch paste to the product was meant to be used as a paint, as mentioned above, then the use of "saiku-beni" would have been basically the same as in the Edo period.The addition of starch paste may have been the basic condition that made the product "saiku-beni" rather than the inferior purity of the red pigment (although such products may have existed). In Takao Suzuki’s “Benibana kenkyu yonjunananenkan no kiroku” (1997) (Note 18), that "jari-beni" (considered to be a powdered dried product made by adding "namafu" paste to "kata-beni") is considered to be "saiku-beni, referring to "jari-beni" in Ushio Naganuma’s “Ushi no yodare” (1829). In recent years, there has been a theory that "kata-beni"（片紅）, like "saiku-beni" has a lower purity of red pigment than"hon-beni". However, according to my literature survey (Note 19), "kata-beni" is considered to be a muddy red or its dry matter that has just been purified, regardless of the purity of the red pigment. According to literature sources, "kata-beni" has an example of being written as “堅紅,” but from the description of “堅,” it is thought that it means “dry and hardened,” and from the description of "kata-beni", “片” implies the meaning of “something before it becomes a finished product.” In recent years, one theory has found that "hon-beni" is a refined red color (used for lipstick, etc.) with a high red pigment purity. However, in Takako Takamizawa’s “ "Beniya Isehan honten"(1979), the name "hon-beni" began to be used in order to distinguish it from those with the rise of aniline dyes. This can be found in historical materials related to Isehan in the early Meiji period (Note 20). In addition, from the reference to the “Teijozakki” (1843) quoted in Takao Suzuki’s “Benibana zakki” (1967) (Note 21), it is thought that "hon-beni" was used to refer to the “true red dye color” derived from safflower in order to distinguish it from the “false red color” that used non-safflower such as madder. According to materials related to dyeing techniques from the late Edo period to the early Meiji period (Note 22), there was a “red dyeing” that did not use safflower at the time (such as suang), and it is thought that the name of "hon-beni" was used to mean the use of safflower in particular. The fact that the name of "hon-beni" is also confirmed in “Edo kaimono hitori annai” (Note 23) in the advertisements of dyeing shops may also be behind this. .In Sakube Haneda's “Nihon beni no kenkyu ” (1932) (Note 24), the name of "hon-beni" can be used for muddy safflower red that has just been refined, but it is basically said that lipstick and fine-crafted red are made from it. (In other words, "hon-beni" in the book. corresponds to "kata-beni" as verified by me as previously mentioned.) Based on these results, it is thought that "hon-beni" was a name used to refer to red dyes that were not derived from safflower, but in particular, to refer to and emphasize the origin of safflower. As described above, the theories sometime seen in recent years are difficult to consider from the perspective of examining literature sources, and I traced the origin of these theories, and identified that it was due to Takao Suzuki’s discourses. However, as far as I can see the reference in the “Benibana kenkyu yonjunananenkan no kiroku,” which he published in his later years, it is difficult to consider that the verification in the literature was sufficiently made. It is thought that recent theories need to be reexamined.
Referring to Nobuhiko Kitano's “Bengara tososhi no kenkyu " (2003) (Note 25), I made and used “tettan” red iron oxide. According to this book, it is thought that in the late 18th century to the early 19th century, the cheapest supply in Edo City was "tettan" rather than melanterite. In addition, considering the fact that red iron oxide is written as "tettan" in “Bungei ruisan,” it is thought that the most commonly used among printers at that time was “tettan”red iron oxide. However, in the color analysis survey of this time, it couldn't be done to analyze the types of red iron oxide.
There are two types of orpiment, artificial and natural.Although the analysis of this time did not lead to the identification of which type was used on the original print, but according to recent research (Note 26), it is thought that artificial orpiment was generally used at the time when the original print was printed. Although artificial orpiment manufacturing in Japan had already been discontinued, at least in the late Showa period, it is said that it was still being manufactured, and in this reproducing , stock of artificial orpiment at that time was used, which I obtained. However, approximately 170 years ago in the Edo period, there seems to be a transition in manufacturing method and quality. In the present color material analysis survey, ④⑧⑩⑪ parts (seen above figures) were basically estimated to be a mixture of prussian blue and orpiment, but ⑧ and ⑩ had a strong brownish taste compared to ④ and ⑪. According to Rikizo Shiota's “Toyo enoguko” (1942) (Note 27) and Nobuhiko Kitano's study (Note 28), it is thought that artificial orpiment may come to be brownish, but on the other hand, it is said that artificial orpiment can be made from yellow to deep red based on the mixture ratio of the raw materials, so the possibility is also conceivable, that there were reddish varieties at that time and used. This brown factor remained particularly questionable.
I made a prototype and used, which is from turmeric root fragments currently commercially available for dyeing referring to Inuki Tachihaara's method (Note 29). However, the production methods in the Edo period have not been confirmed yet. It is thought that turmeric is susceptible to manufacturing methods and aging, and further investigation of the manufacturing methods is expected in the future in order to reproduce the colors of the Edo period.
I used what a commercial product was added to the prototype I made with reference to the manufacturing process-related materials (Note 30) for reasons of volume and color tone. The possibility is pointed out by Inuki Tachihara, that three types of prussian blue in Ukiyo-e in the Edo period were used due to their different color tones (Note 31). In addition, in "Ukiyoe no meihin ni miru
ao no hensen" (2012) by Hideo Matsui and Yukiko Minami, looking at the corresponding sections of works in which the use of prussian blue was confirmed by the color material analysis survey, it is apparent that there were different tones of blue, mainly in terms of black and yellowish tones (even taking into account age-related changes), although this is only visible on printed matter. According to various documents (Note 32), from the Tenpo era to the end of the Edo period, prussian blue of Ukiyo-e in Edo period in general was imported from China, and it is thought that there were two types from China: normal color and its light kind. In other words, except for differences in shading it seems to be basically one kind, but this contradicts the above-mentioned point of existence of several kinds. (It should be noted that even if it was not produced in China, it is estimated that the prussian blue that was circulated in the market at the time through the Nagasaki trade was in three types [Note 33].) In this regard, when I actually made prussian blue, it was likely that the blackness and yellowness of the finished product would be affected by differences in the amount of raw materials and subtle conditions in the degree of heating at the time of production. From this, it was suggested that the aforementioned differences in color tone were due to the fact that the color tone of finished prussian blue products from China at that time was not constant, rather than differences in production areas and quality. On the other hand, I can't say that the quality and color tone of prussian blue manufacturing in China at that time may not have changed due to the improvement and change in manufacturing technology during that period. In the future, an investigation into the production of prussian blue in China is awaited.
In the Edo period, it is considered that lead white was generally produced by applying acetate vapor to lead plates (Note 34). In accordance with this manufacturing method,I made the prototype and used, but also added commercial product for convenience of quantity. In the field of Ukiyo-e research, it is said that lead white was used for high-quality products until at least the 18th century, but it was estimated that it was often used in this original print, which is difficult to see as high-quality product.
While lead white seems to have spread inexpensively toward the end of the Edo period, the number of woodblocks used in this reproducing is six, and the number of woodblocks is relatively large, which means that it may have been planned to be made as a high-quality product from the beginning. Therefore, for example, if the "normal printing" process was carried out at the same time as the "fine printing" process in one workshop, it is not difficult to think that the lead white used for the fine printing process was directly used for the normal printing process, and it is possible that the standard for lead white use was blurred at the printing process site.
I used the product currently produced in Kusatsu City. According to Yuko Tomita's, “Bunshosyo ni miru kinsei no aobanagami seisan to ryutsu” (2018) (Note 35), it is thought that there were various ranks of quality in the late Edo period market's aobanagami, unlike today. In the original print, it was used to produce purple. In recent years, there sometime has been an explanation from the viewpoint of people’s aesthetic awareness of colors at that time as the reason why aobanagami was generally used in purple at that time, but in the Edo period and beyond, it seems that the color materials used by printers are deeply related to the price of color materials in each period or the ease of handling in printmaking techniques, and it seems that there is a rather reason to the selection of aobanagami in purple. With regard to this, I would like to point out the possibilities based on these points.
・According to “Konjo ni kansuru kenkyu ” (1926) (Note 36), prussian blue is agitated to brown by iron citrate. Therefore, there is a possibility that there was a problem with the mixed color of safflower red melted with the plum acid solution.
・As a matter of fact, the color of aobanagami that is close to the new product appears to be blue closer to purple than prussian blue and indigo. (From my experience as a former printer, this color resembles adding a small amount of chemical red called "hon-yoko" to the current prussian blue.) Therefore, it is possible that the use of aobanagami could have suppressed the use of expensive safflower red.
・Aobanagami gets purple by citric acid. Therefore, even a small amount of safflower red was able to produce purple color easily when mixed with safflower red dissolved in plum acid solution, so it is possible that the use of expensive red could have been suppressed.
・There are examples of confirmation of purple using indigo and safflower red (Note 37). However, both indigo and safflower red are seen as highly sticky colored materials, which may have been avoided due to their difficulty in handling printing techniques. Furthermore, in terms of color, it is possible that it was to avoid combining with dull blue of indigo. However, some indigo are said to be indistinguishable from prussian blue by the naked eye (Note 38). However, it appears to have been an exceptional product, and it is considered that its use was avoided generally because of its high cost.
Referring to Inuki Tachihara's method (Note 39), I made a prototype one by the so-called “amedashi ho” and used. Since there was no color effect of indigo in the original print, it is thought that what remained in the paint pots or brushes of the printer at the time was unintentionally mixed.
Basically, the above-mentioned color materials were used in this reproducing, however, lead sulfate and titanium white were not used since I couldn't help of my research. When printing, although rice paste and glue were used timely, according to literature sources, it is mentioned by a printer who worked from 1880 that paste was not used in the past (Note 40). In addition, from literature sources such as “Japanese wood-cutting and wood-cut printing,” "Bungei ruisan", Eiichi Ko's "Nihon seihin zusetsu“(Ministry of Home Affairs, 1907) and Kendo Ishii's “ Nishiki-e no hori to suri” (Unsodo, 1927), it is difficult to believe that the use of glue in printing was so common.It is thought further investigation is necessary to investigate the actual use of rice paste and glue among printers in the Edo period.
In 2018, I asked Kochi Prefectural Paper Technology Center to analyze six works of my Ukiyoe prints collection, and based on this data, kozo（mulberry）paper which is wood ash-boiled and rice flour-added produced by Ryoji Tamura, a Japanese paper craftsman. However, at present, the restoration of paper is still under study, and the paper used in this time has a gap from the original print in reality, especially in the weak appearance of blinds which is seen when the paper is looked through the light, related to the paper-making tool used.
Ideally, in other words, from a restorative point of view, it is to reproduce based on the analytical data of the original print paper, but this time it was not that far. From the paper analysis of the six works mentioned above, it was especially noted that the amount of rice flour mixed was about 20 % to 50 % for the weight of raw materials and about 50 % to 100 % for the other points. In Kazuyuki Enami et al.'s study (Note 41), it has been pointed out that the amount of rice flour in the paper published in Edo (and Kamigata) was large, and in Akinori Okawa's study (Note 42), one of the reasons why rice flour was mixed in the paper at the time was that rice flour was cheaper than kozo, which was the raw material, and that it was economical to make more paper with less kozo by mixing rice flour. From these results, the existence of some kind of relationship was considered between the amount of rice flour mixed and the rank of paper quality, and then the rank of the print. Dosa (sizing) was used, which was made of commercial bovine skin glue and a prototype alum that I made referring to Sumika Tsunematsu's “Yunohana no kenkyu, yunohana to hainoki de myoban wo tsukuru"(2007) (Note 43).
Although it is said that the paper of Ukiyo-e prints of the Edo period were "hosho" from Echizen or Iyo provinces, Genta Yoshii et al., “Nihon seishi ron” (1898,) (Note 44) states that the paper of Ukiyo-e prints in the Edo period included “Echizen hosho”, “Tosa hosho", “Iyo masa,” and “Sugihara". In addition, in Toshitake Yoshino’s “Kotenseki no sotei to zohon” (2006) (Note 45), it is mentioned that Sugihara paper may have been used for Ukiyo-e prints. It is said that the paper quality of Sugihara paper is similar to that of hosho, but dimension is different from that. I came to think that the existence of Sugihara paper should be noted, when investigating Ukiyo-e paper.
Six woodblocks of Yamazakura were carved and printed in accordance with the traditional woodblock printmaking technique; however, as long as there were no hindrances in viewing, I tried to reproduce them as much as possible, from mistakes and difficult points seen in the original picture (distortion and deficiency of the line, misalignment, traces of brushwork, coloring haze, etc.) to the state of removing colored materials on the back of the paper. Comparing Ukiyo-e prints from the Edo period with modern reproductions, the techniques of carving and printing in the former (except for some hair splitting areas) are generally rougher than the latter. Today, in general in the traditional woodblock printmaking society, reproducing works tend to be modified in such ways. However, from my personal point of view, though it is not Muneyoshi Yanagi’s idea of folk art, such roughness of technique seems to be related to the intrinsic beauty of Ukiyo-e prints of the Edo period. At the very least, one of the factors that contribute to the differences in impressions when comparing Ukiyo-e prints of the Edo period and modern reproductions is the difference in the care with which the carving and printing techniques are carried out. In addition, the goal of this reproducing is “how to reproduce prints of the same quality as those of the original print” and not “making improved prints based on technological improvements.”
Even though Ukiyo-e production by the traditional carvers and printers has been inherited today, the techniques, tools, materials, and awareness of the creation of Ukiyo-e have changed from time to time. It has changed greatly from the Meiji period to the Taisho period in particular, and it seems that it is often different from the Edo period in modern times. Furthermore, the “skill” and “techniques” (or “reproducing”) described by the carver, printer, and publisher do not focus on how to reproduce the same quality as the Ukiyo-e prints of the Edo period. With regard to the technique of carving Ukiyo-e in the Edo period, I hope that further clarification is to be achieved in the future, especially after comparing and observing the works.
VII Completion of the Work
The reproducibility or restorability of reproduction, for example, like carved lines and paper, are often difficult to convey to the viewer unless it is compared with the original print. The general misconception that the reproduction is a restoration of Ukiyo-e prints of the Edo period seems to be a major factor in the fact that there is no opportunity for the reproduction to be compared with the original, in addition to the commercial convenience of the publisher and undeveloped research on the reproduction. It is important for the appreciation and understanding of the reproductions to be compared with the originals, and further study is needed on how to appreciate them. In this article, although it is simple, comparative pictures are listed. In each photo in Figures "a" to "l", the right side is the original picture, and the left side is my reproduction.
At the present stage, although there are many points that are not reached in terms of my research and skills such as carving and printing, there are many points that are not clear about Ukiyo-e prints from the Edo period, and it is thought that by actually making them, the questioned points and the path to resolution are to be clarified. I hope that I can continue my research and reproducing.
(Note 1) Yoshikawa Kobunkan ,p127~143.
(Note 2) Sumi (carbon), Safflower red (from pigment extracted from safflower), Tettan (iron oxide, from combustion of iron rust), Mercuric Red (mercury sulfide), Lead-tan (lead tetroxide), orpiment (arsenic sulfide), Turmeric (from pigment extracted from turmeric root), Purussian blue (ferric ferrocyanide), Indigo(from pigment extracted from indigo dye yarn), Aobanagami（from pigment extracted from Commelina communis var. hortensis), Natural earth bengara (iron oxide), Lead white (lead carbonate basic), rice flour, and glue.
(Note 3) Masakazu Naruse ”Shosoin homotsu nii mochiirareta mukiganryo", S hosoinkiyo, No26, Kunaicho shosoin jimusho,2004.
(Note 4) Nobuaki Kuchitsu,Susumu Shimoyama,Yuko Noda, ”Matsudoshiritsu hakubutsukanzo no itae ni miru empaku no henshoku to saihakushokuka”, Hozonkagaku, No 35, ,Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, ,1996.
(Note 5)Manabu Kiyono ,Sankachitan kenkyukai, "Sankachitanbussei to oyogijutsu",Gihakudo,1991, p1-2.
(Note 6) Tokuno, T. and Koehler, S. R. " Japanese wood-cutting and wood-cut printing", Report of the United States National Museum for the year ending June 30, 1892, p226, Smithsonian Research Online website, https://repository.si.edu/handle/10088/29868 ). Yoshino Sakakibara, "Bungei ruisan maki hachi bungu shishi ge",Ministry of Education, 1878, National Diet Library Digital Collections, Panel No. 27. Kishofukuseikai,"Hanga reisan",Shunyodo,1925,p278. Motoki Yamamura, "Tsukuru: Ukiyo-e no surishi",Shokun nihon wo genki ni suru opinion zasshi, No.26(11), Bungeishunju, 1994, p113, National Diet Library Digital Collections, Panel No. 58.
(Note 7) Muneyoshi Komatsu, "Hanga tezuri ni tsuite",Ukiyoe No.23, Ukiyoe-sha, 1917, p30, National Diet Library Digital Collections, Panel No. 21.
(Note 8) Masanori Shiratori,"Shikasuyo", No 145-146, 1950, p104-107,National Diet Library Digital Collections, Panel No. 56~7.
(Note 9)Rokuro Uemura, Toshifumi Tatsumi,"Manyo senshoku ko",Kokin shoin, 1930), p169-171,National Diet Library Digital Collections, Panel No.103-104.
(Note 10)Kamenosuke Sawada,Isehan hyakunanajunenshi hensan iinkai, p572.
(Note 11) Note 8 of the previous bulletin, p32-33, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 20.
(Note 12) Juichido, p105, National Diet LibraryDigitalCollection, Panel No. 64.
(Note 13) Handaya ,p315-320,National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 168- 171.
(Note 14)Nobuyuki Kaminiwa, Tadao Kobayashi, Takashi Murakami, Kenji Yoshida, ”Shikisai kara rekishi wo yomu",Daiyamondo sha,1999, p160-161. Inuki Tachihara, ”Ittoichie”, Popura sha, 2010, p90-93). (Broadcast) “Ukiyo-e:yomigaeru maboroshi no iro",NHK, 2009.
(Note 15) According to Kyubee Takeuchi, ”Jitsugyo oyou enogu senryoko", 1887, p278,National Diet Library DigitalCollection, Panel No.154, "uki-ko"is considered to be made by the side when making flour of arrowroot or red spider lily.
(Note 16) Note 10 of the previous bulletin, p575.
(Note 17) Yamashiroya Saebee, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 51.
(Note 18)Touhoku seikatsu bunka gakkai, ”Touhoku seikatsu bunka rombunshu”,No 16 , 1997, p59-68,National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 32~37.
(Note 19) Note 10 of the previous bulletin, p392-393. Kazunaga Higashiboujou,"Shokunin zukushi uta awase", Shichizaemon Tanioka,1657,National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No.39. Note 8 of the previous bulletin, p105. Sakae Iwabuchi, "Beni seihou no koto", 1927, (Shigematsu Hayata,”Benibana wa saiteiru”, Endo shoten,1984, p209). Nagatsune Ohkura,Noukaghoji kouhen maki no ni",1830,(Shouichi Gotou, Kouhei, Ryuhei Yamakawa, ”Senryo shokubutsu fu",Hakuou sha,1937, p836 838).Ranzan Ono, ”Honzoukoumokukeimou ”, No48, Suharaya Zengorou,1805,National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 29-30. Ryouan Terashima,”Wakan sansai zue”, (Note 13 of the previous bulletin, p319).
(Note 20) ”Hanga geijutsu”, No7（26）,Abe shuppan,p224,National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 114. “Beni no hana”, Kabushiki kaisha Isehan honten, 1991, p127-8.
(Note 21)Hifuku bunka kyokai, ”Hifuku bunka ", No 108, Bunka fukusou gakuin shuppan kyoku, p72,, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 38.
(Note 22) Of note 19 above, ”Senryo shokubutsu fu”, p773, 783, 853-854, 868, 106.
(Note 23) Note 17 of the previous bulletin, Panel No. 166.
(Note 24)Komachi beni honpo, 1928, p17-27, p60-61,National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 18-23,40.
(Note 25) Yuzankaku, p99-117, 119, 299.
(Note 26)Asuka Yamato, Masahiko Tsukada, ”Kaei nenkan no yakushae ni mochiirareta sekiou no bunseki",（"Bunkazai hozon shufuku gakkai dai yonjusankai taikai kenkyu happyoshu", 2021).
(Note 27) Atoriesha, p86-87,National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 68.
(Note 28) Nobuhiko Kitano, ”Kinsei shikki no sangyogijutsu to kouzou", Yuzankaku, 2005, p62-79.
(Note 29) Hagi Uragami Museum, ”Mokuhangaka Tachihara Inuki Edo no Ukiyoe ni manebu", 2015, p116~117.
(Note 30) Toyokichi Takamatsu, Keizou Tanba, Yoshizumi Tahara, " Kagaku kougyou zensho", No 1 , Maruzenshoten, 1904, p280-313,324-330, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No. 146-162,168-171. Michiya Yano, ”Enogu seizou hou", Hakubunkan, 1904, p54-56, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No.34-35. John Brown, "Observations and Experiments upon the Foregoing Preparation."("Philosophical Transactions", No 33,1724 1725, JSTOR website, https: & # x2F; & # x2F; www.jstor.org & # x2F; stable & # x2F; 103734 ? seq=2 # metadata_info_tab_contents) Sui Watanabe, ”Seihou shinsho” , Kanji Futagami, 1885,p8, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No.14. “Koumukyoku geppo”, No 7, Noushomusho koumukyoku, mid-Meiji period, p32-39, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No.16-19.Aya Yoshida, Ryoji Tanaka, Shinji Asano, ”Jakuchu no ao wo saigensuru”, (" Nikkei Science", No 47（10）,Nikkei Inc, 2017, p55-61. Masao Nomura, " Maki Bokuchu no yakujutsu "Berurin ao seihou" to ranshogenpon Utagawa Youan "Seimikaisou" tono kanrennado", (“Itteki”, No25 , Tsuyama yougaku shiryokan, 2018, p1- 17）. “Buta no kanzou kara purusianburu wo tsukuru", Kesshobijutsukan website, https://sites.google.com/site/fluordoublet/home/colors_and_ light/prussian_synthesis). “Doubutsu no chi ya gyoniku kara purusianburu wo tsukuru", (Ibid. website), httpshttps://sites.google.com/site/fluordoublet/home/colors _and_light/prussian_synthesis2).
(Note 31) Chikako Furihata, Emi Kato, Yuko Sagawa, ”Iro no hakubutsushi", Meguro Museum of Art, 2016, p127 - 128.
(Note 32) Chihiro Ishida, ”Edo jidai no konjo yunyu ni tsuite orandasen no hakusaihin wo chushintoshite”, (" Kobe shiritsu hakubutsukan kenkyu kiyou", No24, ,Kobe City Museum, 2008, p44-47. Seiichi Sasaki, " Kinsei no ajia ni okeru purushan buru no tsuiseki", (“Tama bijutsu daigaku kenkyu kiyou", No2, Tama Art University, 1985, p6-20. “Ao he no akogare Takeo ni tsutawaru aoiroenogu", Takeo City Library&Historical Museum website,http://www.city.takeo.lg.jp/rekisi/kikaku/2012/ao/ao.ht ml). In addition, the "beru" and "usu-beru" sections of note 15 above (p84-86, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No 57-58) suggest that from the end of the Edo period through the early Meiji period, the major prussian blue in the market shifted from Chinese to German and British products.
(Note 33) In Katsushika Hokusai," Ehon saishiki tsu nihen", 1848, (Torao Miyakawa, ”Katsushika Hokusai Ehon saishiki tsu ", Iwasaki bijutsu sha, 1964, p53), three kinds of prussian blue, "Koi-bero", " Sorairo-bero" and "Asagi-bero" are identified. In “Enogu taikan",1852, ("Enogu senryo shokoshi", Osaka enogu senryo dogyokumiai, 1938, p77), "Hanairo", "Sorairo", "Koi-bero", and "Kara-ai" are identified, and from the description in the same book, "Kara-ai" is considered to be synonymous with "bero," suggesting the existence of three types of prussian blue. As mentioned in note 32 above, three types are identified on the website of the Takeo City Library＆Historical Museum.
(Note 34) T.Takamatsu," On Japanese pigments", Department of Science in Tokio Daigaku,1878, p2~7,National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No.7-9. Ryuhei Yamakawa, ”Entan oyobi enpaku to namariya Ichibei”, Enichi shoten,1939, p44-46, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No.47-48.
(Note 35) “Aobanagami seisakugijutsu ni kansuru kyodochosahokokusho” , Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, p108-114.
(Note 36)Insatsukyoku kenkyujo,"Insatsukyoku kenkyujo chosa hokoku", No10, Insatsukyoku kenkyujo, p54, NationalDiet Library Digital Collection, Panel No.36.
(Note 37)Hideo Matsui, "Ukiyoe no mikata", Seibundoshinkosha, 2012, p182).
(Note 38) Hideo Matsui, Yukiko Minami, " Ukiyoe no hensen ni miru ao no hensen", Atosisutemu, 2012, p39.
(Note 39) Note 29 of the preceding bulletin, p10-11.
(Note 40) Note 7 of the preceding bulletin.
(Note 41) Kazuyuki Enami,Xu Xiaojie, Yoshihiro Okada, " Edo jidai no eiribon wo chushintoshita kamigatakanpon to edokanpon toni tsukawareta yoshi no shishitsu bunseki", (" Washibunka kenkyu ", No 25, Washibunka kenkyukai, 2017.
(Note 42) Akinori Okawa, "Ukiyoe no kami", (" Bunseki", No 3, Nihon bunseki kagakukai, 2003.
(Note 43) Sumika Tsunematsu, p52-57.
(Note 44)Yurindo, p94, National Diet Library Digital Collection, Panel No.71.(Note 45)Insatsu gakkai, p127-131.
I would like to express my gratitude to the following, who cooperated in this study. Masaaki Ariyoshi (Kochi Prefectural Paper Technology Center), Ryoji Tamura (Japanese paper craftsman) and Horiba Techno Service, Inc.
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