Wanderer in Chang'an

[wanderersoftime]

The blame is not on me

It was the year 881, Huang Chao and his armies had entered Chang’an. At first, it seemed fine for most people. Huang Chao explicitly stated that he did this for the people, and he will treat the people better than the Li family; the people have no need to fear [1].

But things soon turned nasty. A few days later, looting and killing occurred throughout the city, with the rich and aristocratic families being the prime targets [2] [3]. Amidst the chaos, Huang Chao declared himself emperor. 

Emperor Xizong had long fled to Chengdu, just like Emperor Xuanzong a little over a century earlier. Though this time, there was no concubine to blame. The poet Wei Zhuang even wrote a poem mocking such twist of fate:

今日不關妃妾事，始知辜負馬嵬人。[4]

Today there is no concubine involved, and now then we realized we have failed the lady at Mawei.

Concubine Yang, the favourite concubine of Emperor Xuanzong, was blamed for the An Lushan Rebellion and killed in the Mawei Incident

A few years later, much like An Lushan, Huang Chao was defeated. His head, along with family members’ and his concubines, were sent to Emperor Xizong. The emperor, then still at Chengdu, stood on the Daxuan tower in south Chengdu to witness this symbolic moment [5].

Atop the tower, the emperor asked, “You are all descendants of noble families and have been taken care of by the empire for generations, why did you choose to follow the bandits?” 

A lady standing at the front rebutted, “ The bandits ravaged the lands, while the Tang empire, with armies millions strong, could not defend its own ancestral shrines, and have to flee to Chengdu. Today, His Majesty blames a woman for not being able to resist the bandits, but what about the princes, ministers, generals and commanders in the court?”

The emperor did not reply, and order for all of the concubines to be killed. Perhaps at that moment, deep down, he knew she was right. 

The crowd rushed to give the concubines some liquor, perhaps the executions would not be so painful anymore if one is drunk. All the other concubines, horrified about their imminent fate, drank the liquors offered. But the lady who replied the emperor was unmoved. She did not cry, nor did she drank any of the liquor offered. She remained dignified till the very end [6]. 

It seems blaming the women is a common technique to declare that “the blame is not on me”. And time and again we have seen how that was not the case. 

As another concubine, Madame Huarui, lament in her poem:

君王城上豎降旗，妾在深宮那得知？ 十四萬人齊解甲，更無一個是男兒！[7]

The surrender flag was erected on the walls by the king, how would I know of this in the cold palace?

The 140,000-strong army disarm without a fight, and none of them are true man willing to defend his country!

Yet, as nobles and upper-class citizens, are they really free from the blame? 

As the King’s favorite concubine, as a wealthy aristocratic lady in Chang’an, they could very well be living luxurious and extravagant lives, while the rest of the empire fell into despair supporting their expensive lifestyles. 

If a wealthy aristocratic lady ended up as a concubine for Huang Chao, at least she can be certain that she can live with a full stomach and at least some basic necessities in the chaos. But what of the commoners?

“The lady living west of me was beautiful, like a fairy. She was young and didn’t know anything. A soldier suddenly jumped up on the steps of her house and tried to humiliate her, she refused and was killed by the cold blade.”

“The price of rice in the city was soaring and food was in short supply. The only food available were tree barks and human flesh.”

“Looking for some water, I came across an old man, pale and blue, hiding in a pile of reeds. I asked the old man where he was from and why he was sleeping in the pile of reeds on such a cold day. The old man tried to reply, but sat down again with his hands on his head and cried.”

“I could see no one else on my way out. I wanted to go further east, but I didn't know where to go. I heard that the road to Kaifeng was cut off, and I also heard that Pengcheng was in civil strife. The countryside and the riverside were full of the dead bodies of soldiers who had killed each other.”

Excerpts from《秦婦吟》 Recital by a lady from Qin

The very same poet that mocked the emperors’ escape to Chengdu was not spared from the conflict. In his travels across the barren lands, he encountered a lady from Qin who told him her various struggles as she escape from the once buzzling city of Chang’an. With that, Wei Zhuang wrote “Recital by a lady from Qin”.

Regardless of who is to be blamed, the ones who should never be blamed often suffered the gravest consequences. 

As the poet Zhang Yanghao puts it:

興，百姓苦；亡，百姓苦 [8]

In prosperity, the commoners suffer; in chaos, the commoners suffer

[1] :  「黃王起兵，本為百姓，非如李氏不愛汝曹，汝曹但安居無恐。」《資治通鑑·卷二百五十四》  

[2] :  居數日，各出大掠，焚市肆，殺人滿街，巢不能禁；尤憎官吏，得者皆殺之。 《資治通鑑·卷二百五十四》  

[3] :  甫數日，因大掠，縛棰居人索財，號「淘物」。富家皆跣而驅，賊酋閱甲第以處，爭取人妻女亂之，捕得官吏悉斬之，火廬舍不可貲，宗室侯王屠之無類矣。《新唐書· 列傳第一百五十下》

[4] :  《立春日作》韋莊

[5] :  時溥遣使獻黃巢及家人首并姬妾，上御大玄樓受之。大玄樓，成都羅城正南門樓。 《資治通鑑·卷二百五十六》  

[6] :  宣問姬妾：「汝曹皆勳貴子女，世受國恩，何為從賊？」其居首者對曰：「狂賊凶逆，國家以百萬之眾，失守宗祧，播遷巴、蜀；祧，他彫翻。今陛下以不能拒賊責一女子，置公卿將帥於何地乎！」上不復問，皆戮之於市。人爭與之酒，其餘皆悲怖昏醉，居首者獨不飲不泣，至於就刑，神色肅然。 《資治通鑑·卷二百五十六》  

[7] : 《述國亡詩》花蕊夫人

[8] :  《山坡羊·潼关怀古》張養浩

[wanderersoftime]

An examination of Cao Cao’s “I would rather betray the world than let the world betray me”

This is a famous quote popularized by Romance of The Three Kingdoms, and many people came to know Cao Cao because of this quote, along with some of his atrocious deeds, like his killing of Lü Boshe (Hereafter LBS) which ultimately lead to the aforementioned quote. (In the Romance)

Did Cao Cao really say this after killing LBS?

If we are talking about the exact wordings, the answer is a definite no. However, if we are talking about something along that line, then Cao Cao supposedly did say it. I used ‘supposedly’ here because things can get more complicated. I will attempt to touch on that later. 

The quote, in Chinese “寧教我負天下人，休教天下人負我”, is only found in the novel. A quote of a similar fashion, “寧我負人，毋人負我!” is, however, found in Records of The Three Kingdoms (三國志, hereafter SGZ). 

To understand this quote, and to translate it properly, we would need to look at the whole paragraph. 

 太祖聞其食器聲，以為圖己，遂夜殺之。旣而悽愴曰：「寧我負人，毋人負我！」遂行。 

Cao Cao heard the sounds produced by LBS’s utensils, and thought that LBS was planning to kill him, hence Cao Cao killed him at night. He then said sorrowfully, “ I would rather betray others, then let others betray me!”, and left.

Logically, it doesn’t make sense that someone in great sorrow right now would say something about betraying others. Or is it? 

In my opinion, I believe this is Cao Cao’s way of reconciling with his own conscience, to come to terms with what he has done. As we can see from the original quote, he was in great sorrow over the killing of LBS --- perhaps he didn’t want to kill LBS, or that he realized there wasn’t a need to afterwards. 

Regardless of what happened during and before the killing, Cao Cao was definitely regretful after the killing, and stating this quote would make sense as a sort of self-comfort to convince himself that what he did was for the best and in alignment with his beliefs. And with that, then can he continue his travels and future conquests with , hopefully, lesser guilt and regrets. 

It’s not something very noble, but it’s not something very despicable as well. It was perhaps merely a defense mechanism to cope with a traumatic incident. The romance simply took it with extra force and expanded the whole scope to the ‘world’, in order to fit its own storyline ideologies.

Issues with history records

In the original SGZ by Western Jin Historian Chen Shou (陳壽), there were no mentions of LBS, or the incident of Cao Cao killing somebody in that fashion. 

 What I quoted earlier on was the annotations of SGZ by a later Historian Pei Songzhi (裴鬆之). Where did PSZ get his annotations from? He consulted other non-official records, and wrote their versions of this story down as reference. In fact, he found 3 versions of this story, and I will quote them below:

魏書曰：太祖以卓終必覆敗，遂不就拜，逃歸鄉里。從數騎過故人成臯呂伯奢；伯奢不在，其子與賔客共劫太祖，取馬及物，太祖手刃擊殺數人。

世語曰：太祖過伯奢。伯奢出行，五子皆在，備賔主禮。太祖自以背卓命，疑其圖己，手劔夜殺八人而去。

孫盛雜記曰：太祖聞其食器聲，以為圖己，遂夜殺之。旣而悽愴曰：「寧我負人，毋人負我！」遂行。

The last and also the latest chronologically, by Eastern Jin historian Sun Sheng, was what we covered earlier, and had the similar quote we see in the Romance. 

The first one, quoted from 魏書 (Book of Wei), was written by Wei historian Wang Chen. This was the earliest source we had about this incident, and the incident was described as ‘LBS was not at home, his sons and hanger-ons attempted to rob Cao Cao, taking his horses and belonging, Cao Cao then killed a number of them’. 

The second one, quoted from 魏晋世语 (roughly, Stories of Weijin), was written during Western Jin. Here, the incident was described as ‘LBS was not at home, but all 5 of his sons were, they welcomed Cao Cao like a guest. Cao Cao, knowing that he was being pursued, suspected the sons and their hanger-ons were attempting to kill him, hence killed 8 of them at night and left.’ 

Comparing all 3, we see that the last 2 were rather similar in the sense that Cao Cao was depicted as untrusting of LBS’s sons and hence killed them, while the first one was more unique in that we can see it was not Cao Cao’s fault but LBS’s sons’ fault for attempting to rob Cao Cao.

So how credible are these 3 sources? 

Book of Wei was written in Wei so there is the possibility of painting Cao Cao in a better light, though arguably the book was written in the final years of Wei with the major powers in Sima Clan’s hands. So the exact level of that ‘history-writing’ to make Cao Cao seem better is questionable. 

For Stories of Weijin, as the name implies, it was more of a novelish take on history. Not that the information provided cannot be trusted, but that those information would need to be taken with a pinch of salt. PSZ himself had also commented in another section of SGZ that this source is often unreliable and ‘the worst’ (惟頒撰魏晉世語，蹇乏全無宮商，最為鄙劣), so again, credibility is questionable. 

The last account by Sun Sheng, as we can see from the similarity to Stories of Weijin, implied that perhaps he took reference from this source , especially since he was from a later period. And then took some liberty to add in more artistic creations like the supposed quote. 

Chen Shou, when writing SGZ, would possibly have access to Book of Wei, and Stories of Weijin, or the sources that lead to their recording of LBS, yet there was no similar account of LBS or the incident in SGZ. That perhaps implies that he was not confident of their credibility and reliability. 

And to think of it, it does make sense. Even if such incident did happen, probably only Cao Cao or a few of his closer servants would know of this story, of Cao Cao’s feelings (sorrowful or not), or even the private speech he had then. For such relatively confidential and trivial matters, the incident would probably not be recorded in detail in official records, and it is highly unlikely that people later on with no interactions with Cao Cao or these close servants would had a pretty accurate understanding, if at all, of the whole situation. For all we know, this quote in Sun Sheng’s account was made-up too.

So what really happened? 

In all 3 accounts, the outcome is the same — Cao Cao killed LBS’s family. 

If we were to trust anything in these 3 accounts, it would be this, since this outcome was undisputed. 

Looking at the chaos then, it’s not surprising that people like LBS’s family would want to rob somebody. However, it is also not surprising that Cao Cao would kill someone out of suspicions, given his plight then. 

Whichever the case is, the quote in the Romance is definitely an artistic creation, or perhaps, a re-creation likely referencing Sun Sheng’s version of the story. 

It was indeed a successful addition to reinforce the idea of Cao Cao being cold and heartless, willing to sacrifice everything for power and control, as we can see throughout the entire novel. 

However, in reality, Cao Cao was very much a person troubled by emotions, far from being heartless or cold. We could see this in his poems, in his sorrow over the death of his sons, and most definitely in his final words. 

我前後行意，於心未曾有所負也。假令死而有靈，子修若問‘我母所在’，我將何辭以答！ 

Throughout my life, I believe I have not let anyone down. But if there are spirits in afterlife, and Zixiu (Cao Ang) asked me ,“where is my mother”, How should I answer?

[the-archlich]

There is no actual historical record of ships being chained together at Chibi. Maybe other records on how naval battles work led back then suggest that chaining was common enough that we can safely assume it, but nothing extant explicitly says there was chaining.

That really depends on how you read a certain line in SGZ 54.1 (Zhou Yu’s biography):

Yú’s subordinate General Huáng Gài said: “Now the enemy is many and we are few, and it is difficult to resist for long. But observing [Cáo] Cāo’s army the ships are joined head to tail, and can be burned to make them flee.”

The ships were definitely joined together in some fashion. Chains or ropes, the particular material doesn’t really matter. The statement attributed to Huang Gai makes it clear that they were joined and that this is part of the reason that the fire attack was viable.

[wanderersoftime]

Hmmmm

Original SGZ used

操軍船艦首尾相接

Cao’s ships were 首尾相接

首尾相接 is very ambiguous.  首尾 means heads and tails.  相 means mutually. The problem is with 接.

接 could be interpreted as ‘connected’, so in that sense, yes the ships were connected. 

接 could also be interpreted as ‘meet’ or ‘to be close/to come into contact’. In that sense, then it’s not so certain that the ships were connected because in contact could also just meant that the ships were tightly packed.

I believe this is what Anon was talking about.

[wanderersoftime]

The weight of 23 words

During the final years of the Warring States period, Qin began its conquests to unify the whole of China. 

Records like the ZZTJ or the Records of the Grand Historian would tell us all about these battles and the famous kings and generals leading them, they would tell us all about how these battles led to the grand unification under Qin Shi Huang. 

But what about the lives of the ordinary people? Those who were neither generals nor officials, neither kings nor nobles, how would their lives be like?

Records have nothing about them, but luckily, we have the Wooden tablets of Heifu (黑夫木牘), found in the Shuihudi Qin tombs.

Some of the characters were no longer recognizable, but from what we could gather, we were able to catch a glimpse of the lives of ordinary civilians during that turbulent period.

Here are a few excerpts

黑夫、驚敢再拜問衷，母毋恙也？黑夫、驚毋恙也。前日黑夫與驚別，今復會矣..........母視安陸絲布賤，可以為襌裙襦者，母必為之，令與錢偕來。其絲布貴，徒〔以〕錢來，黑夫自以布此。黑夫等直佐淮陽，攻反城久，傷未可智（知）也，願母遺黑夫用勿少。書到皆為報，報必言相家爵來未來... Heifu and Jing with sincere greetings to our elder brother Zhong,  How's mom? We are both fine. We were separated a while back but reunited now......... [Heifu:] please tell mom to compare the prices of cloth in Anlu, if it's not too expensive, buy the cloth and make some summer clothes for me (Heifu), please send them here together with some money. if it's expensive, just send me (Heifu) some money, I will make them here myself. Heifu will be  going to attack Huaiyang soon, might take quite a long time, not sure if (I) will be injured, I hope mom can send Heifu more money for that. Please reply us if you receive this letter, and tell us whether the nobility titles earned by us (through war) were given or not.

驚遠家故，衷教詔妴，令毋敢遠就若取新（薪）..... 驚敢大心問姑秭（姐），姑秭（姐）子彥得毋恙……？新地入盜，衷唯毋方行新地，急急急。

Jing is away from home, so I would depend on elder brother Zhong to take care of Yuan now. Please don’t let her travel too far in search of firewood….. How is elder sister and her newborn son Yan.....? Xindi (referring to newly conquered lands) has lot of thieves and robbers, please don’t go there Zhong, remember that!

From these letters, we see 2 brothers no different from us. They were concerned about their family, they were afraid of sustaining injuries in war, just like any of us.

They were clearly poor as they were very concerned with the costs of their clothes. They were, however, also very hopeful; as they believed that their military achievements would grant their families a better life. (This is likely reference to the Qin’s 二十等爵, 20 grades of rewards for military achievements)

From Zhan Guo Ce’s depiction of Qin soldier, it was almost as if they were fearless, emotionless warriors longing for war

秦人捐甲徒裎以趨敵，左挈人頭，右挾生虜

Qin soldiers were half-naked as they chased their enemies, their left hands holding a head, their right hands holding on to a captured enemy. 

But in reality, they were humans too.

These tablets were discovered in the tombs of Zhong. Even though bland and simple compared to grand mausoleums, the fact that Zhong’s tombs can still survive and remain till this day suggests that Zhong and his family possibly did receive the rewards their brothers earned.

Did his brothers manage to come back home though? To have a few letters treasured so much that one would want to bring them into their graves, it’s likely that Heifu and Jing never got back alive, their bodies lost in the chaotic battlefields. 

When we talked about the end of the Warring States and the founding of Qin, we would always recall people like Qin Shi Huang, Wang Jian and many others, along with their impressive feats. But their achievements came at a cost, founded on the blood, sweat and tears of ordinary people like Zhong and his brothers. While the average person might not amount to anything significant in the grand scheme of things, they were as human as any of those shining figures of their time.

For all their struggles and sacrifices,  the whole event was only summarized in 23 words in the Records of the Grand Historian.

二十四年，王翦、蒙武攻荊，破荊軍。昌平君死，項燕自殺，楚亡。

Year 24 (of the current King of Qin), Wang Jian, Meng Wu [Qin generals] attacked Jing [Province], defeated Jing soldiers. Lord Changping died [Last king of the Kingdom of Chu], Xiang Yan [Chu general] suicided, and the Kingdom of Chu fell.

Today, with the discovery of the tablets, we are able to view history from a different lens, beyond just the grand picture of unification, but from the perspective of countless ordinary individuals forgotten by history. And suddenly, these 23 words feel so different, we could feel the weight of merely 23 words, and from there, the weight of history. 

[wanderersoftime]

Gao Shi: One day your fame will spread far and wide

莫愁前路無知己，天下誰人不識君。

Forge ahead with no fear of solitude, for across the lands your fame spread far and wide

It was a cold winter. It was here 2 good friends parted. Looking at the gloomy sky and their uncertain futures, Gao Shi wrote this poem.

The exact year of this poem was not known. Many attributed it to the year 747. If so, he would be at least in his forties [1]. 

For the past forty or so years, Gao Shi repeatedly tried to gain a decent official position, be it through taking part in the Imperial Examinations or attempting to offer his service to influential military officials. He was from the prominent Bohai Gao clan, his grandfather Gao Kan was a famous general who fought bravely in the Goguryeo wars. Perhaps Gao Shi wanted to be just like him. Alas, none of his efforts paid off [2]. 

But all this travelling did allowed him to meet many people. Between the year 744 to 745, Gao Shi travelled together with 2 famous poets, Li Bai and Du Fu [3]. They would go on to write numerous poems about this extremely enjoyable journey, many of which still available today.

Perhaps that would be it, a life spent wandering and writing poems.

Or not.

Around the year 750, he was recommended by Zhang Jiugao to take part in the imperial examination again. This time round he managed to pass and was given an official position in Fengqiu County [4].

However, he didn’t like the job at all. He eventually resigned and with the recommendation from his friend Tian Liangqiu, he met the famous Tang general  Geshu Han, who recommended him to the court for the positions of Sergeant of the Left Xiao Guard and Secretariat of Longyou Jiedushi (Which is Geshu Han himself) [5]. It was here Gao Shi followed Geshu Han’s troops on numerous offenses and wrote poems praising their victories.  

Unfortunately, happy times didn’t last long. The An Lushan rebellion soon came (in year 755). Even though Gao Shi defended the Tong pass together with Geshu Han, they were eventually defeated. Geshu Han was killed, while Gao Shi managed to catch up with the fleeing Emperor Xuanzong in Hechi Commandery [6]. 

Gao Shi promptly advised Xuanzong, and was eventually appointed as Grand Master of Remonstrance [7].

Soon, Prince of Yong rebelled (year 757). Emperor Suzong summoned Gao Shi to discuss the issue. Gao Shi explained in detail to him that the rebellion was bound to fail, and was later on appointed as Huainan Jiedushi, amongst other titles, to defeat the rebels [8]. At almost 60 years old, he became someone just like his grandfather.

Amidst the chaos, an old friend was also involved. Li Bai served under the Prince of Yong, and wrote many poems for him. After his defeat, Li Bai was jailed for involvements with the rebellion, knowing about Gao Shi’s influence as one of the leading generals, he wrote a poem to seek help from Gao Shi [9]. Gao Shi, however , did not reply to or help out Li Bai in any way. Even when one is in a high-ranking positions, one isn’t truly free in whatever he does, nor would he be capable of resolving all issues, especially in regards to revolts and rebellions. The two of them would never have any contact again, and Li Bai died a few years later (762). In the past decade, so much has happened. Perhaps some things were just never the same again. 

As if to prove this point that Gao Shi was still very much powerless in a lot of things, he was soon demoted after coming into conflict with Li Fuguo [10]. 

The last member of the original trio didn’t had it any easier during the chaos. After becoming homeless and enduring numerous hardships as he wandered across half of China, Du Fu finally arrived at Jiannan Circuit, where Gao Shi was also serving as an Inspector for Shu and Peng Prefectures under Jiannan Circuit. They would go on to exchange poems, and Gao Shi would also , from time to time, offer aid to the poor poet [11]. 

In his final years, Gao Shi wrote a poem to Du Fu

今年人日空相憶，明年人日知何處

Today we miss each other dearly, but where will we be tomorrow? 

.....

龍鍾還忝二千石，愧爾東西南北人

Old and feeble I still hold my high-ranking position, I can’t help but feel guilty about the sufferings of my friends. 

In the year 765, Gao Shi died [12]. 

Years after his death, when Du Fu chanced upon this poem again, he was reminded of their interactions; from the journeys with him and Li Bai, to the reunion amidst the chaos. After 50 years of wandering and numerous failures, Gao Shi finally managed to achieve his dreams. Du Fu cried, and wrote a poem in remembrance of his old friend [13]. 

Some people die at 50, but for some, their lives only begin at 50. The poem Gao Shi wrote for his friend could very well be a summary of his life. The original recipient of his poem didn’t leave a prominent mark in history, but for Gao Shi, his fame indeed spread far and wide across the lands, as a poet, as a politician and as a general.  

Footnotes

1. The exact year he was born in was not known, with proposals ranging from 700 - 706. 

2. Around Year 720, went to Chang’an in search of opportunities, failed. Year 731-734, visited Li Yi, did not get appointed. Year 735, failed Imperial examinations in Chang’an. 《高适年谱诸疑考辨》 孙钦善;  《 高适早期诗歌风格初探 》 路歌

3.  尝从白及高适过汴州 《新唐书·列传第一百二十六》；《高适年谱诸疑考辨》 孙钦善

4.  宋州刺史张九皋奇之出《礼记·礼运》：「大道之行也，天下为公，选贤与能，讲，举有道科中第，调封丘尉 《新唐书·列传第六十八》;   宋州刺史张九皋深奇之，荐举有道科《旧唐书·卷一百一十五》

5.  河西节度哥舒翰见而异之。表为左骁卫兵曹，充翰府掌书记  《旧唐书·卷一百一十五》

6.  禄山乱，召翰讨贼，即拜适左拾遗，转监察御史，佐翰守潼关。翰败.... 天子西幸，适走间道及帝于河池  《新唐书·列传第六十八》

7.  俄迁侍御史，擢谏议大夫 《新唐书·列传第六十八》

8.  上召高适与之谋。适陈江东利害，且言璘必败之状。十二月，置淮南节度使，领广陵等十二郡，以适为之；置淮南西道节度使，领汝南等五郡，以来瞋为之；使与江东节度使韦陟共图璘。《资治通鉴·卷第二百一十九》

9.  《 送张秀才谒高中丞 》

10.  兵罢，李辅国恶适敢言，短于上前，乃左授太子少詹事  《旧唐书·卷一百一十五》

11.  《杜甫与高适蜀中关系新论》  辛晓娟.

12.  永泰元年正月卒，赠礼部尚书，谥曰忠。 《旧唐书·卷一百一十五》

13.  《 追酬故高蜀州人日见寄 》

[cma-chinese-art]

On Happiness, Calligraphy in Seal Script Style (zhuanshu), Yang Yisun, 1871, Cleveland Museum of Art: Chinese Art

Yang Yisun transcribed this ancient text on six narrow scrolls, starting at the top right and ending at the bottom left. Yang emphasizes the text’s historic nature by using the seal script style found on stone steles and bronze vessels. On Happiness features reflections of a scholar on a leisurely life in the countryside, composed by Han dynasty official Zhongchang Tong, who died the year the Han dynasty collapsed (AD 220). The idyllic life described in the text may bean evocation of the past in a time of national crisis. A decade before Yang wrote these scrolls, Anglo-French forces had looted and burned the Summer Palace in Beijing. At the same time, the domestic Taiping rebellion (1850–64), led by a religious fanatic to overthrow the Qing government, had devastated Yang’s homeland, the Jiangnan region, with an estimated 20 million lives lost. Size: Overall: 132.7 x 32.3 cm (52 ¼ x 12 11/16 in.) Medium: hanging scoll, ink on paper

https://clevelandart.org/art/1999.174.3

[wanderersoftime]

Ahhhh~

使居有良田廣宅，背山臨流，溝池環匝，竹木周布，塲圃筑前，果園樹後。舟車足以代步涉之艱，使令足以息四體之役。養親有兼味之膳，妻孥無苦身之勞。良朋萃止，則陳酒肴以娱之，嘉時吉日，則烹羔豚以奉之。躊踷畦菀，游戲平林，濯清水，追凉風，釣游鯉，弋高鴻。風乎舞雩之下，詠歸高堂之上。安神闺房，思老氏之玄虚;呼吸 精和，求至人之仿佛，與達者数子，論道講書，俯仰二儀，錯綜人物。彈南風之雅操，發清商之妙曲。逍遙一世之上，睥睨天地之間，不受當時之責，永保性命之期。如是則可以陵霄瀚，出宇宙之外矣。豈羡夫入帝王之門哉！

If I have fertile lands and multiple mansions, (the mansions) with mountains at the back and rivers by the front, surrounded by streams and ponds, next to dense groves, a flower garden by the porch and orchards in the backyard. (If I have) chariots and boats to replace tedious walking, servants to ease the burden of labor. (If I have) delicious food for my parents, and my wives and children free of exhaustion and fatigue. When (my) friends come, (I will) prepare wine and delicacies to entertain them, and on auspicious days, I will cook pigs and sheep for sacrifice. Wandering in the lush fields, playing around in the open spaces, washing (my feet) in the clear streams, chasing after the cool breeze, fishing for the fishes, hunting for some birds. Enjoying the winds by the sacrificial stage, singing all the way home. Relax and sit in a quiet room, pondering about the philosophy of Laozi; embrace the essences of this world, experiencing the union of nature and man. Debate with wise people, talk about books and discuss the Dao, admire the world and comment on people of the past. Play the elegant "South Wind", the strings producing wonderful melodies.  Free and easy, upright and honest, unrestrained by the troubles of the materialistic world, with no fear of losing my life. If I could live like this, my life would be one comparable to gods, out of this world. I wouldn’t even envy those who became the emperor!

[the-archlich]

How big is Cao Cao's harem? 4 kids from Lady Bian, wants Zou Shi, gets Du Shi. It no wonder the Romance had him lust over the Qiaos

I haven’t really counted but he was married twice with around two dozen concubines.

Given that Sima Yan and Sun Hao had literally hundreds, Cao Cao’s is pretty modest by comparison.

It’s also a mistake to assume lust is any part of the equation. For many women, becoming the wife or concubine of a powerful man was the only way to advance in society. Such unions were between families as much as they were between individuals. Power, politics, trading favors, the need for a particular family to produce an heir, a woman’s need for a son to care for her when she’s elderly . . . There are a lot of reasons why one becomes a concubine. There are obviously cases of a woman being invited into the household on beauty alone but there were a variety of other factors that went into such decisions as well.

[wanderersoftime]

According to SGZ, Cao Cao had 25 sons from 13 recorded ‘wives’, and that’s not including Ding Furen, so that’s a basic number to start with. 🤔

[wanderersoftime]

In remembrance of Zi’ang: a poet 500 years in the making

Ode to Mounting Youzhou Terrace / 登幽州台歌

Chen Zi’ang /  陳子昂

前不見古人，後不見來者。 念天地之悠悠，獨愴然而涕下！

The wise ancestors are long gone, Not a single promising sage in sight. Contemplating the expanse I sing this song, Weeping alone for my plight. 

Zi’ang was born in 661 (some claimed it was 658 or 659 instead), during the early Tang. He was from a rich family and a talented littérateur, yet his life was far from satisfactory. 

Despite being recognized for his talents so much that even the then Emperor Wu Zetian decided to summon him before her, Zi’ang’s political aspirations and recommendations were often unheeded. 

In the year 696, Wu Zetian sent her nephew, Wu Youyi, to pacify the Khitan revolts in Yingzhou. Zi’ang was also appointed as an adviser to Youyi. Throughout the course of this pacification, Zi’ang repeatedly advised Youyi to stop turtling and make use of opportunities to launch a well-prepared operation for a decisive victory. Youyi, however, as someone from an affluent background with zero military experience, could neither see the value in Zi’ang’s ideas nor provide counterarguments against them. All Youyi did was to refute Zi’ang’s ideas by claiming he was a mere scholar who knows nothing about warfare. 

Filled with disappointment and desperation, Zi’ang mounted the Youzhou Terrace, a historical structure built by King Zhao of Yan to attract talents. He was reminded of the flourishing rule under King Zhao, he was reminded of how King Zhao treated talents like Yue Yi, he was reminded of all the wise rulers and people of the past. Yet here he was, always disregarded, never able to accomplish his aspirations and dreams.

And hence this poem was written. 

Not too long after, Zi’ang chose to retire. But not everyone wants to let him go so easily. He was soon framed and died in prison in 702 (some claimed 699 or 700 instead).

Outside of politics and career, Zi’ang’s works were high regarded. His poems advocated for a reform of poetry writing, paving the way for the famous Tang poetry we know today. He was a man like no other. 

Just as his friend,  Lu Cangyong wrote,

道喪五百歲而得陳君

(it) took 500 years of chaos (for us) to have Zi’ang.

The settings in Chang’an or even Youzhou are now very different from that of his time, but some things never change. Through his poems, I could still feel the sentiments of a passionate man. A man always caring for his fellow citizens, always willing to voice out opposing but much-needed opinions, yet always disregarded.

In remembrance of Zi’ang