In the article, “ICE Bahamas: Why and how?” Stephanie Hackert expands on an ongoing project entitled, “ICE,” which is a linguistic critique of Caribbean rhetoric in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. In Hackert’s article, she mainly focuses on The Bahamas and offers a critique of the history and current sociolinguistic situation of Bahamian language. Hackert highlights the fact that native Bahamian speakers identify their first language as Bahamian creole and consider Standard English as their second language. Hackert argues that the reason for this is that Bahamian Creole is synonymous with Bahamian identity; it is a part of Bahamian heritage and culture. Similarly, Bahamian Creole is employed in every aspect of life in The Bahamas, from political speeches and debates, to mass media and television shows. On the other hand, Hackert addresses the disparities between languages in The Bahamas versus other Caribbean islands. Unlike Jamaica or Haiti, in the 1970s after The Bahamas gained independence, there was a dramatic increase of educational spending. The most visible “consequence, was the gradual replacement of expatriate teachers, most of them British, who had accounted for the majority of secondary and a fair share of primary school teachers until the late 1960s.” Nevertheless, while Bahamian language is the first language that Bahamian students learn, Standard English is the only acceptable language of the classroom.
I found that the ways that Hackert addresses the relation between Bahamian Creole and other Caribbean rhetorical practices to be rather interesting. Hackert expresses the discomfort of Bahamian people feel about Bahamian language being referred to as a, “creole.” Hackert describes the negative associations of the term, “creole” by explaining that the majority of Bahamians link the term “creole” with Haiti and Haitian languages. However, it is not that Bahamians dislike Haitians, there is just a commitment to disassociating themselves with Haitians so that people wouldn’t question their Bahamian identity. Specifically, this aversion is greatly related to the illegal immigration problem in The Bahamas where the, “2000 census registered 21,000 Haitians, but some estimates including illegal immigrants put the current number as high as 78,000, or 25 percent of the population.” In a way this link between Haitian Creole and Bahamian language creates difficulty with the idea of defining Bahamian language. Even with this project, I struggled with determining whether or not Bahamian language is considered a dialect. While Hackert’s research is a great starting place for discussing Caribbean Englishes, I believe that we (as in Bahamian people) need to continue an open dialogue about the linguistic competence of Bahamian speakers.








