Has tourism changed perceptions of Africa, or established neo-colonial narratives?
In 2013 the World Bank reported that the UK, in its top African tourist source markets, Bostwana, Zambia, Uganda and Kenya, contributed to over 8% of the states GDP in both Zambia and Kenya, and between 4-8% in Bostwana and Uganda, symbolising an undeniably significant tourist capital flow from the European West to sub-Saharan Africa 1. However, the closer we examine the types of tourist experiences offered in the above mentioned nation states, we begin to encounter a range of political and ethical issues, but within a succinct and narrow market of ‘experiences’. A brief internet search using the terms “Uganda holiday” through the google search engine, immediately returns hits such as ‘responsibletravel.com’, a company that offers ‘experiences rather than packages, authenticity rather than superficial exoticism, and holidays that put a little back into the local community’2, to ‘adventure holidays in Uganda’. In order to further expand upon this search, a subsequent google search of the terms ‘volunteer in Uganda’ returns 8,490,000 results3. At once, it is possible to see the popularity of volunteer vacations, or ‘voluntourism’ on the African continent, raising questions as to its contribution to the GDP figure initially highlighted, but also the domestic social effect this tourism has, and the perceptions of Africa that ‘voluntourists’, as well as other tourists, return to their respective communities to share. This essay will argue that ‘tourism is not a neutral action’4, and through the industrialisation of tourism in Africa, the commodification of culture, the spectacle of poverty combined with moral exploitation, and the establishment of top down power structures over the direction of tourist experiences, in order to develop dependency, ‘tourism [in Africa] gives colonialism a second lease of life’5.
It may however be beneficial for the purpose of this essay to first establish the concept that Africa, while no longer under the traditional and ‘direct’ form of occupational colonial domination, it is yet to pass through the age of imperialism6, and is not free from the global system of hegemonic power7, despite the globalist border-transcending intentions, or indeed rhetoric, of NGO volunteers and ‘voluntourists’ [seen in the United Nations phrase “A volunteer without borders”8]. As will be discussed, power relations and structures between the ‘destination’ and tourist source has ‘moulded the reflection of the Other [Africa] to fit their [tourists] own expectations’9, throwing back representations and expectations of Africa and Africans to colonial narratives and discourse. Questions then must be raised as to how these representations are formed, continue to be made dominant through tourism, and the effect both this representation and the process which creates these reflections, has upon Africa.
What is most concerning about the success of ‘voluntourist’ experiences is how they have consistently played to the ‘dominant narrative’ of Africa, and developed an industry from the spectacle of poverty, downplaying the successes of African states and people, such as record Ghanaian growth in 2014 (5.3%+ in Q210) for example, creating concerns for the ‘locking in’ of said narrative as tourists return home. Desforges highlights how during the colonial period ‘Western powers relied on constructed images and representations of the Third World in order to justify their domination abroad’11. Therefore, this created a generational issue, as representations formed become one of ‘the Other’, a different people altogether alien to that of the tourist, which arguably begun with the colonial representation of a ‘savage’, ‘undeveloped’, and ‘backwards’ people, which returns to the tourist source and perpetuates a false representation based on a further false and ‘industrialised’ market tourist experience today. When we consider how the tourist interacts in the destination state, we begin to understand how through their power to both include and exclude people and places from their experience, in the pursuit of a more ‘authentic’ experience, locks in the ‘travel imaginations of backpackers is the image of, and therefore the representation of, the authentic Third World Other as ‘poor’ or ‘underdeveloped’12. For example, we may examine the reviews of travellers who summarise their touristic experience as an ‘authentic African experience’. An example may be seen in Janice McClarys widely-quoted New York Times article describing her experience of Zaire as a ‘glimpse into Eden’, and authentically African13; when in fact McClary had joined a multi-thousand dollar pre-designed Ape tour, only to subsequently attach her own Western intellectual baggage and insecurities to return representations of the Other to primitiveness and animalism [“John, as if sniffing the wind, like the leader of a herd scenting water ... said we would soon come upon a group"14, perhaps suggesting the exhaustion of the ‘primitive African’ narrative, and the move towards an even more simplified comparison to ‘the irreducible ape’15]. Therefore it becomes evident that the representations held by the traveller of the Other, and the lands of the Other, are similar to representations held during the Colonial period16, and though different in intentions, the traveller continues to view the Other as a different entity altogether separate and distant to themselves.
How then, despite the traveller’s desperate hunt for authenticity, does the dominant African narrative, that we know not to be true, remain the centre of touristic experiences in Africa? Why, because for the tourist, this narrative feels good. Baudrillard argues that ‘other peoples destitution becomes our adventure playground’17, the experience thus acts as a an escapism into an ‘ideal world’, as perhaps earlier confirmed in McClary’s statement, where poverty and hardship are seen as an authenticity unavailable to the tourist at home. Arguably, the development of voluntourist itineraries demonstrates the tourists in question to be ‘consumers of the ever delightful spectacle of poverty and catastrophe, and of the moving spectacle of our own efforts to alleviate it’18. Abbinnett argues that Westerners are dependent on these images of poverty and catastrophe, and through the constant transmission of this ‘dominant narrative’ through the media, as widely criticised by Binyavanga Wainaina19, school systems, and a new culture of reciprocal altruism, voluntourism, which ‘cashes in’ on the ‘single narrative’ and both morally and sentimentally exploits Africa and Africans, is furthered20. Western culture allots a degree of prestige to those who take on these experiences. At once the tales of the ‘pity African’ are used as a bargaining token,as if their volunteer experience was undertaken in order for another person to act towards them positively, or to fulfil them a positive act (i.e. A job) in the future, an example of the reciprocal altruism that ensures the maintenance of the dominant narrative, so as to prolong the usage of Africa for Western purposes. This in itself is an overtly colonial concept. The very idea of using Africa to elevate oneself is colonial. To use Africa’s resources, whether physical or in the abstract sense, as we have seen in the Western culture of reciprocal altruism, in order to further the minority interest, draws similarities to the furthering of the state’s interest and those of its delegated masters within the colonial period. As discussed, exploitation of Africa remains ripe. Therefore, as established, the Western tourist source has morally and sentimentally exploited Africa through the sustained spectacle of poverty and therefore represents the ‘last phase of colonialism’21.
Maoz suggests this system of tourism which ‘cashes in on’ a false narrative continues to operate through the ‘tourist gaze’- a system by which Western representations of the Other are projected on to host populations, and affect the behaviours and actions of the local peoples22. The local, in order to capitalise and develop both physically and economically, must adopt the image the tourist has projected upon them in their hunt for authenticity, acting out stereotypes and narrow representations held in the imaginations of the traveller, in order to prevent themselves from further marginalisation and reduced interaction with the tourist source23. Lavie gives an example of a North African Bedouin group who have, out of necessity for long term economic survival, sacrificed their ‘deeply religious Islamic beliefs and morals in order to cater to the needs of tourists’, providing alcohol to naked tourists, selling simulated traditional food and clothing, while offering mud huts for accommodation so as to provide a simulated ‘authentic desert life’24. It may be possible now to see a degree of cultural commodification, which Meethan suggests reduces culture to ‘inauthentic shadows for sale to the gullible masses’25, as a means of local survival, reflecting canonical themes in dependency theory. Hughes argues that because developed nations have so effectively dictated the direction of tourism and touristic experiences on the ground, a degree of dependency has been generated upon the tourist26, and the economic benefits received from the provision of staged versions of their culture for the pleasure of tourists. Simultaneously, a new form of travel has been made popular, through ‘ethical tourism’, as linked to voluntourism, as a means to escape the obvious inequalities developed through traditional touristic development. Lozanski however believes that these inequalities are often inescapable, and colonial-esque top-down power relations will be implemented no matter the experience in question, through forming new lines of tourist activity which inadvertently contribute to choices on the development of certain areas and on behalf of particular local social groupings27. Therefore we see the first world tourist determining the agenda of the developing world, institutionalising inequalities, and granting more powers to the tourist in the destination state, than the local has over his own home. Bennett argues that the local has no option to enter a circle of repetition which commits ‘their culture to become and remain in a specific form, which mirrors the pre-conceived images that tourists have of the Third World Other28, to please tourists’ through staged attractions, until the staged culture is the only remaining version familiar to the local.
The extensive ‘market’ of tourist experiences across Africa is undeniable, with packages offered from diving to safari; fundamentally Africa attracts tourists. However, a new culture of tourism has been formed, one which has based itself around reciprocal altruism and relies upon the image of an impoverished and underdeveloped African ‘Other’ for its survival. Therefore, we must consider both this form of tourism (voluntourism) and the wider tourist market as exactly that; a market, an industry meant to make market leaders at the top of the industry very wealthy, while the locals opportunity to take part in tourism, to visit and exchange with the tourist source, or indeed within their own nation, remains slim. This market may then ultimately fail with the alteration of the dominant narrative which defines the tourist experience. For example, in playground building or English teaching in Uganda, while perhaps offering a few moments of interest, appeals directly to the Westerner through promising exposure to an authentic African village, exposing them to destitute African children, or orphans, all at once confirming the dominant narrative, and reverting to colonial representations by which the White Westerner must act out of their own goodness to bring apparent change, therefore morally and sentimentally exploiting Africa, without any real local developmental effect. Yet this remains a product, an experience sold to tourists in exchange for future goods, appealing to a degree of egoism. Naturally, this is lucrative and does offer economic gain at low levels locally, thus culture is commodified in order to reduce local marginalisation and encourage sustained tourism. As a result, generations to come will learn of Africa and Africans from those who have cashed into the circle of misrepresentation, a product of Western created dependency through the
neo-colonial imposition of imperial top-down power directives, while Western companies continue to profit from the moral exploitation of Africa via the spectacle of poverty and catastrophe, appealing to the tourists sense of adventure and superiority, as Africa becomes to them nothing more than a ‘playground of their imagination and a target to conquer and consume”29. To consume, use and misrepresent thus throws representations back to a colonial Africa, a period in which the West physical and metaphorically robbed Africa of its culture and its people, and all at once foreign profiteers push a dominant narrative of a ‘pity African’, an undeveloped world, deeper into the expectations of Africa once again. Therefore, tourism, while perhaps subconsciously passive, is not a neutral action, and has not changed perceptions of Africa positively, instead returning Western representations of Africa to colonial narratives.
Word Count: 2532
Bibliography
Abbas, A., Erni, J.,Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2005.
Abbinnett., R., Culture and Identity: Critical Theories., SAGE Publications., 2003.
Abrahamsen., R., African Studies and the Postcolonial challenge., African Affairs (102)., 2003.
and other alternatives”, Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 30., 2001.
Backpackers in India”, The Global Nomad: Backpacker Travel in Theory and Practice.
Baudrillard.,J., The Illusion of the End., Cambridge Polity Press., 1994.
Bennett, D., “Global tourism and Caribbean culture”., Caribbean Quarterly Vol.51., 2005.
29 Maoz.,D., “The Conquerors and the Settlers: Two Groups of Young Israeli
Backpackers in India”, The Global Nomad: Backpacker Travel in Theory and Practice.,
ed. Richards, G., Wilson, S., Channel View Publications., 2004., p.233.
9
Bruner.,E., Kirshenblatt-Gimblett.,B., “Maasai on the Lawn: Tourist realism in East Africa”., Cultural Anthropology., Vol 9,. Nov 1994., American Anthropological Association.
Christie., I., Fernandes.,E., Messerli.,H., Twining-Ward., L., “Tourism in Africa: Harnessing Tourism for Growth and Improved livelihoods”., The World Bank., [Accessed online 17/11/2014 at: http://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/document/Africa/Report/africa-tourism-report-2013-extracted-figures.pdf]
Desforges, L., “Checking Out the Planet: Global Representations/Local Identities and Youth Travel”, Cool Places: Geographies of Youth Cultures., ed. Richards, G., Wilson, S., Channel View Publications., 2004.
Lavie.,S., “The Fool”., Internationalizing Cultural Studies: An Anthology, ed.
Lew, A., Hall, M., Williams, A., A companion to Tourism., Blackwell publishing., 2004.
Lozanski, K., “Temporary foreign workers and Canada’s contradictions: Globalization, liberalism, and multiculturalism”., International journal of contemporary sociology, 45.
Maoz.,D., “The Conquerors and the Settlers: Two Groups of Young Israeli
Maritns.,R., Ghana GDP Growth Rates., Ghana Statistical Service., 23/10/2014., [Accessed online 18/11/2014 at: http://www.tradingeconomics.com/ghana/gdp-growth]
McClary.,J., New York Times., October 27 1985.
Meethan, K., Tourism in global society: place, culture, consumption., Palgrave., 2001.
Namakkal., J., “Study Abroad as neo-colonialism”., ‘Counterpunch’., August 29, 2013., [Accessed online 17/11/2014 at: http://www.counterpunch.org/2013/08/29/study-aboard-as-neo-colonial-tourism]
O’Reilly., C., “From Drifter to Gap Year Tourist: Mainstreaming Backpacker Travel”, Annals of Tourism Research.,2006.,Vol.33, no.4.
Skelton, T., Valentine, G. New York: Routledge., 1998.
Stronza, A., “Anthropology of tourism: Forging new ground for ecotourism
Wainaina.,B., How to write about Africa., Kwani Trust., 2008.
Williams, P., Colonial Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory: A Reader., Cambridge University Press., 1994.