We are always reading for the first time. For instance, you have been occupying half my mind today, so when I read a part of me is oriented towards you and a part of me is oriented towards the text at hand. This âcolorsâ the text, shades my reading of it so that at the word love (or surprise or wonder) you spring to my mind. My reading is interrupted. I am distracted.
Slow reading isnât always about slowness. Sometimes itâs about diving into the text and then coming up for air. Looking out the window. Going for a walk. And then returning to the text anew. All of this is part of reading.
Itâs easy to forget how much the daily texture of our lives (who we meet and how these interactions ripple out) depends on the ability not necessarily to speak well (because speech is inherently awkward, stuttering, uncertain) but on being honest in speech, vulnerable, on gauging how much to say and when to say it.
Not being able to do this (or only being able to do it after knowing someone for an extended period of time) forecloses so many affective and intellectual possibilities, so many possible friendships that Iâve failed to nurture. I havenât been able to stop thinking about a simple conversation I had this afternoon about a diss talk on the Me Too movement, which felt like my first unplanned/spontaneous conversation in weeks.
L'esprit de l'escalier names the phenomenon of coming up with the perfect comeback only after a conversation has ended. But it belongs to a much sadder category of existential disjointedness where our encounters with people donât always line up in the way that weâd like them to.
âWait for the dust of reading to settle; for the conflict and the questioning to die down; walk, talk, pull the dead petals from a rose, or fall asleep. Then suddenly without our willing it, for it is thus that Nature undertakes these transitions, the book will return, but differently.â
â
Virginia Woolf, âHow Should One Read a Book?â
I noticed the link no longer worked, so Iâve updated it here and in the original post. I also thought it would be useful to provide the full quote:
âThe first process, to receive impressions with the utmost understanding, is only half the process of reading; it must be completed, if we are to get the whole pleasure from a book, by another. We must pass judgment upon these multitudinous impressions; we must make of these fleeting shapes one that is hard and lasting. But not directly. Wait for the dust of reading to settle; for the conflict and the questioning to die down; walk, talk, pull the dead petals from a rose, or fall asleep. Then suddenly without our willing it, for it is thus that Nature undertakes these transitions, the book will return, but differently. It will float to the top of the mind as a whole. And the book as a whole is different from the book received currently in separate phrases. Details now fit themselves into their places. We see the shape from start to finish; it is a barn, a pigsty, or a cathedral. Now then we can compare book with book as we compare building with building.â
âfragments from "For still possible cities: a politics of failure for the politically depressed," Natalie Osborne, Australian Geographer (2018) (full article)
"Instead of thinking of touch as that which is immediateâwithout mediationâwe understand instead that even as one experience may have more visceral tactility than another, that touching is always to some degree touching at a distance, and across a distance that is not empty but full of mediation."
Reports on Israel's genocide in Gaza, 2023-present
Below is a list of publicly accessible reports and court documents (from governments, human rights orgs, ICJ, etc.) I've come across documenting Israel's genocide on Palestinians, 2023-present. Feel free to add reports as they're published; when possible, please link directly to the site where the report is hosted rather than a repository (i.e., Google Drive, etc.). Some of these reports are also accompanied by digital archives and data visualizations.
"'You Feel Like You Are Subhuman': Israel's Genocide Against Palestinians in Gaza," Amnesty International, Dec. 5, 2024
"Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem," International Court of Justice, July 19, 2024
"Patterns of harm analysis: Gaza, October 2023," Airwars, Dec. 2024
"Anatomy of a Genocide â Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967 to Human Rights Council," United Nations Human Rights Council, March 24, 2024
"Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel," United Nations Human Rights Council, June 14, 2024
"A Spatial Analysis of the Israeli Militaryâs Conduct in Gaza since October 2023," Forensic Architecture, Oct. 15, 2024
"A Cartography of Genocide," Forensic Architecture
"Genocide as colonial erasure: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese," United Nations, Oct. 1, 2024
"Genocide in Gaza: Analysis of International Law and its Application to Israel's Military Actions since October 7, 2023," University Network for Human Rights, May 15, 2024
"Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel," United Nations, Sept. 11, 2024
"Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli
Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian
People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories," United Nations, Sept. 20, 2024
"Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel)," International Court of Justice, Dec. 29, 2023
Sabar Project (Website | Instagram) (note: the site is currently down)
âMore than a human can bearâ: Israel's systematic use of
sexual, reproductive and other forms of gender-based violence
since 7 October 2023, UN Human Rights Council, March 13, 2025
The first livestreamed genocide: Al Jazeera's Investigative Unit compiles evidence of potential Israeli war crimes in Gaza, Apr. 16, 2025 (this is an extensive, detailed database of Israeli war crimes and identification of the soldiers involved)
âItâs all I have to bring todayâ / This, and my heart besideâ / This, and my heart, and all the fieldsâ / And all the meadows wide.â (Emily Dickinson)
âOut beyond ideas of wrong and right, / there is a field. Iâll meet you there.â (Rumi) âIn the field of the poem [âŠ] the unexpected must come.â (Robert Duncan)
âAll in this world has broken. / All thatâs left is silence. // (Leave me in this field weeping.)â (Lorca)
âThe field cannot be well seen from within the field.â (Emerson)
âSo the page is a fieldâwildflowers, roadside.â (Mary Ann Samyn)
âOften I am permitted to return to a meadow as if it were given property of the mind / that certain bounds hold against chaos, // that is a place of first permission, / everlasting omen of what is.â (Robert Duncan)
The field is one of my favorite images. In the broader literature on the cultural significance of fields, these natural expanses are intertwined with our personal and social lives. In The Poetics of Space, Bachelard writes, âEach one of us should make a surveyorâs map of his lost fields and meadows. Thoreau said that he had the map of his fields engraved in his soul.â To know and map our fields, then, is to know and map aspects of ourselves.
In the poetics of fields, particularly in the epigraphs above, they are profound sites of potentiality, creativity, comfort, retreat, and solitude; they are meeting-places for loved ones, strangers, and travelers. Fields are doors to our past. In fields, we revisit our memories, our choices, things left unspoken. Fields occupy the place of the unreachable other as well as the place where meeting the other finally becomes possible.
U.S. tech giants have quietly empowered Israel to track and kill many more alleged militants more quickly in Gaza and Lebanon through a shar
Israeli forces are using artificial intelligence and cloud services sold by OpenAI, Google, Amazon and Microsoft.
Several recent journalistic investigations â including one published Tuesday by The Associated Press â have deepened the understanding of how Israeli forces are using artificial intelligence and cloud computing systems sold by U.S. tech titans for the mass surveillance and killing of Palestinians in Gaza.
The APâs Michael Biesecker, Sam Mednick, and Garance Burke found that Israelâs use of Microsoft and OpenAI technology âskyrocketedâ following Hamasâ October 7, 2023 attack on Israel.
âThis is the first confirmation we have gotten that commercial AI models are directly being used in warfare,â Heidy Khlaaf, chief artificial intelligence scientist at the AI Now Institute and a former senior safety engineer at OpenAI, which makes ChatGPT, told the AP. âThe implications are enormous for the role of tech in enabling this type of unethical and unlawful warfare going forward.â
As Biesecker, Mednick, and Burke noted:
Israelâs goal after the attack that killed about 1,200 people and took over 250 hostages was to eradicate Hamas, and its military has called AI a âgame changerâ in yielding targets more swiftly. Since the war started, more than 50,000 people have died in Gaza and Lebanon and nearly 70% of the buildings in Gaza have been devastated, according to health ministries in Gaza and Lebanon.
âWhen I was 26, I went to Indonesia and the Philippines to do research for my first book, No Logo. I had a simple goal: to meet the workers making the clothes and electronics that my friends and I purchased. And I did. I spent evenings on concrete floors in squalid dorm rooms where teenage girlsâsweet and gigglyâspent their scarce nonworking hours. Eight or even 10 to a room. They told me stories about not being able to leave their machines to pee. About bosses who hit. About not having enough money to buy dried fish to go with their rice.
They knew they were being badly exploitedâthat the garments they were making were being sold for more than they would make in a month. One 17-year-old said to me: âWe make computers, but we donât know how to use them.â
So one thing I found slightly jarring was that some of these same workers wore clothing festooned with knockoff trademarks of the very multinationals that were responsible for these conditions: Disney characters or Nike check marks. At one point, I asked a local labor organizer about this. Wasnât it strangeâa contradiction?
It took a very long time for him to understand the question. When he finally did, he looked at me like I was nuts. You see, for him and his colleagues, individual consumption wasnât considered to be in the realm of politics at all. Power rested not in what you did as one person, but what you did as many people, as one part of a large, organized, and focused movement. For him, this meant organizing workers to go on strike for better conditions, and eventually it meant winning the right to unionize. What you ate for lunch or happened to be wearing was of absolutely no concern whatsoever.
This was striking to me, because it was the mirror opposite of my culture back home in Canada. Where I came from, you expressed your political beliefsâfirstly and very often lastlyâthrough personal lifestyle choices. By loudly proclaiming your vegetarianism. By shopping fair trade and local and boycotting big, evil brands.
These very different understandings of social change came up again and again a couple of years later, once my book came out. I would give talks about the need for international protections for the right to unionize. About the need to change our global trading system so it didnât encourage a race to the bottom. And yet at the end of those talks, the first question from the audience was: âWhat kind of sneakers are OK to buy?â âWhat brands are ethical?â âWhere do you buy your clothes?â âWhat can I do, as an individual, to change the world?â
Fifteen years after I published No Logo, I still find myself facing very similar questions. These days, I give talks about how the same economic model that superpowered multinationals to seek out cheap labor in Indonesia and China also supercharged global greenhouse-gas emissions. And, invariably, the hand goes up: âTell me what I can do as an individual.â Or maybe âas a business owner.â
The hard truth is that the answer to the question âWhat can I, as an individual, do to stop climate change?â is: nothing. You canât do anything. In fact, the very idea that weâas atomized individuals, even lots of atomized individualsâcould play a significant part in stabilizing the planetâs climate system, or changing the global economy, is objectively nuts. We can only meet this tremendous challenge together. As part of a massive and organized global movement.
The irony is that people with relatively little power tend to understand this far better than those with a great deal more power. The workers I met in Indonesia and the Philippines knew all too well that governments and corporations did not value their voice or even their lives as individuals. And because of this, they were driven to act not only together, but to act on a rather large political canvas. To try to change the policies in factories that employ thousands of workers, or in export zones that employ tens of thousands. Or the labor laws in an entire country of millions. Their sense of individual powerlessness pushed them to be politically ambitious, to demand structural changes.
In contrast, here in wealthy countries, we are told how powerful we are as individuals all the time. As consumers. Even individual activists. And the result is that, despite our power and privilege, we often end up acting on canvases that are unnecessarily smallâthe canvas of our own lifestyle, or maybe our neighborhood or town. Meanwhile, we abandon the structural changesâthe policy and legal workâ to others.â
How the U.S.-backed war on Palestine is expanding authoritarianism at homeâfrom Project Esther to violence at the border.
In the fallout of the election, a stream of social media contentâsome from passionate Harris supporters, some from lesser-evil Democratic voters, and some, presumably, from people simply lashing out, horrified and distraught at Trumpâs winâtook to blaming Palestinians for the outcome.
My initial fury at these statements eventually gave way to analysis. How could so many people be so callous and so wrong? The tendency to scapegoat in moments of crisis, along with pervasive anti-Palestinian racism, are surely factors, but there are larger forces at work as well. Many had seen Palestinians protesting the Democratic Party, but thanks to widespread censorship and media bias, most of them also almost certainly had not seen the stream of atrocities in Gaza that had been taking place for over a year: five-year-old Hind Rajab begging for someone to save her; the body of Sidra Hassouna split in two and hanging on a beam of a destroyed building; Shaâban al-Dalou burned to death while attached to an IV drip in a hospital; a civilian crew in Gaza tearing through heavy stones with their bare hands to reach a young girl, wearing white tennis shoes and a green sweatsuit that her parents must have been proud to dress her in, trapped under the rubble of a bombed-out building for fifteen hours, only for her to die before they reach her.
But beyond a lack of awareness of the vast devastation, many Americans also havenât heard what it has to do with the United States, and with the Democratic Party in particular: the fact that, in the year following October 7, the Biden administration sent nearly $23 billion to Israel with no red lines; that it vetoed four UN Security Council resolutions demanding a ceasefire; that Secretary of State Antony Blinken ignored the U.S. governmentâs own determination that Israel was blocking humanitarian aid to Gaza when he delivered a statement under oath to Congress last May; that the United States has violated its own lawsâincluding the Arms Export Control Act, Section 620i of the Foreign Assistance Act, and National Security Memorandum-20âconditioning U.S. military aid to state belligerents on their compliance with U.S. and international laws of war; that the United States has undermined the authority of both the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC); and that 107 members of Congress sent a letter to the United Nations two weeks before the election threatening to withdraw U.S. funding and support for the organization if it allowed its members to unseat Israel, as the General Assembly had done with the South African apartheid regime in 1974.
Simply put, most people have no idea to what extent this genocide is being perpetrated not only by Israel but also by the United States. For a solid majority of the center-left, what is happening in Gaza is tragic but ultimately less important than the most significant existential threat: the ascendance of Trump. During the run-up to the election, the argument goes, we Palestinian and Arab Americans should have understood that resisting fascism in the United States is the primary goal and gotten in line accordingly.
But resisting fascism is our collective goal. We just know that in order to resist it, we have to fight it on two fronts of U.S. state violence: at home and abroad. Because if the United States, together with Israel, manages to disembowel the ICJ, the ICC, the UN, and a broader global order built after the Holocaust and World War II, no one is safe. The fact that Israel has committed genocide, turned humans into walking bombs in its pager attack in Lebanon, and decimated countries while the UN Security Council watches passively should concern all of us. As Colombian President Gustavo Petro warned back in December 2023, âWhat we are seeing in Gaza is a rehearsal of the future.â
If only more people in the United States had taken his words seriously. During the election, the work of several initiatives, such as the Uncommitted movement and Not Another Bomb, emphasized the centrality of ending U.S. warmaking to a progressive agenda. Other efforts, like Abandon Biden/Harris, went further, highlighting the similarity between right-wing fascism and âauthoritarian liberalism.â All labored to make the entwinement of domestic and foreign policy visibleâbut that message was drowned out by the dehumanization of Palestinians, itself underwritten by the War on Terrorâs racialization of Arabs and Muslims as presumptively guilty terrorists.
It was thus unsurprising that throughout the election cycle, nearly all the mainstream liberal pundits sounding the alarm about white supremacy, jingoism, xenophobia, and political violence failed to connect these things to U.S. imperial violence. What if, rather than blaming Palestinians, Arab Americans, and American Muslims, these pundits had seen their treatmentâunder Biden and for decades before himâas central to the Trump-led repression looming before us?
In the early twentieth century, when the U.S. army in the Philippines reoriented itself to address counterinsurgency and cement colonial rule over its newly conquered territories and peoples, law enforcement at home transformed itself in its image. Drawing on the new military model, police reformers revamped their departments to feature professional academies, mounted police units, surveillance, racial profiling, anticipatory policing, mapping, and weapons training. Counterinsurgency in Vietnam further militarized U.S. police, ushering SWAT teams, military-grade weapons, and a willingness to deploy disproportionate force into urban policing. At the turn of the century, the so-called War on Terror expanded presidential authority, severely curtailed civil rights, and made a mockery of the Constitution just as quickly as it did international law.
Today we are living out the latest chapter of this story, and this time the boomerang has come hurtling back with astonishing speed. Already, the genocide has expanded authoritarianismâits U.S. architects ignoring the 84 percent of Democrats who supported a ceasefire, censoring the media, and suppressing academic freedomâas well as increased police power, with snipers on university rooftops training their weapons at unarmed protesters a frequent occurrence.
This might have been a galvanizing moment. The entwinement between state and military violence could have made more vivid how Islamophobic and anti-Palestinian racism in the United States fuels endless war abroad, and how, in turn, this endless war continues to villainize Palestinians, Arabs, and Muslims. But for most, that moment of recognition has not come. Instead, abuse against Palestinians has been normalized, and harmful precedents have been established that make other vulnerable communities less safe as well.
Consider the repression that Palestinians and their allies have endured in the United States over the last year. Palestine Legal reports that in the five months after October 7, the organization received over 1,500 reports of harassment, abuse, doxing, and loss of employmentâa seven-fold increase over the whole of 2020. The Council on American-Islamic Relations likewise reports that in the final quarter of 2023, it received a 178 percent increase in reports compared to the same period in 2022. And all this is to say nothing of outright violence against Palestinians, including the shooting of three Palestinian American college students in Burlington, Vermont, who were targeted for wearing keffiyehs and speaking Arabic (and which left twenty-year-old Brown University student Hisham Awartani paralyzed), and the killing of six-year-old Wadea Al-Fayoume, who was stabbed twenty-six times in his home by his seventy-one-year-old landlord.
While these crimes were not state sponsored, they are the direct fallout of the U.S. governmentâs complicity in ongoing genocide and its decades-old anti-terrorism laws, which, as Darryl Li has highlighted, have been constructed specifically to target Palestinians. From the first mention of terrorism in a federal statute in 1969 to the introduction of a government terrorism blacklist and the first immigration law to include terrorism as grounds for exclusion and deportation, all of these efforts historically targeted Palestinians and the Palestinian struggle for liberation more generally.
In 2001, the Bush administration shut down the Holy Land Foundation (HLF), a humanitarian organization that built orphanages, distributed food, supported schools, and provided health care to Palestinians under Israeli rule, as well as in refugee camps. The administration charged its founders with working âon behalf of Hamasâ under the Patriot Act, despite the fact that the recipients of the Foundationâs grants, such as municipal Zakat committees in Hebron, Tulkarm, and Nablus had also received U.S. government aid. During the spurious 2008 trial, an anonymous witnessâwho turned out to be an Israeli intelligence officerâused âsecret evidenceâ on the stand for the first time in a U.S. criminal court, a clear violation of the Sixth Amendment. He knew the HLF had terror affiliations, he argued on the stand, because he could âsmell Hamasâ on themâwhich was enough to sentence the five cofounders of the Foundation to between fifteen and sixty-five years in prison.
Once established, however, these repressive measures have had impacts far beyond Palestinians. By March 2023, Georgia police had arrested and charged forty-two activists protesting the expansion of Cop City, a $90 million militarized police training facility that requires the clear-cutting of Atlantaâs largest clear space, charging them with domestic terrorism. Six months later, Georgiaâs attorney general charged five of the activists with terrorism and three of the bail fund organizers with money launderingâexpanding the list of targets to include those providing the protesters legal and financial support. And in May 2024, the state legislature in Tennessee adopted HB 2348/SB 2610, which allowed the state to target other social movements with terrorism chargesâprimarily environmental ones, as well as those who, like Black Lives Matter, declare their solidarity with Palestinians.
In similar fashion, attacks on free speech that target Palestinians empower the right-wing agenda against discourses and programs on racial justice. In the fall of 2023, Elise Stefanik became the supposed champion against antisemitism during congressional hearings that grilled university presidents for failing to do enough to end what she called the threat of genocide of Jews by students who were protesting an actual genocide of Palestinians. Ultimately, the hearings compelled two presidents to resign, their feverish attempts to repress and punish students ultimately falling short of Stefanikâs mark.
When students took it upon themselves to pressure their institutions to divest from weapons manufacturers and other industries sustaining this violenceâwhich includes scholasticide, the killing of teachers and students and the destruction of educational infrastructureâsome university presidents called on police to brutalize their students while others, like the president of UCLA, allowed outside mobs to violently attack students while the police watched. A year later, universities have hired private security firms to repress their student protests and to limit speech so much on campus as to be tantamount to theater, with free speech as the right to be heard, but not to challenge power. So far, three tenured facultyâall American citizensâhave been fired or put on leave for criticizing Israel: Maura Finkelstein, Steven Thrasher, and Jodi Dean. These harsh punishments normalized the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaignâs precedent-setting revocation of a tenure offer to Palestinian professor Steven Salaita in 2014 for his tweets criticizing Israel during its fifty-one-day onslaught of Gaza.
In January, Columbia Law Professor Katherine Franke resigned after twenty-five years of an illustrious academic career because of institutional harassment and scrutiny she endured for pointing outâcorrectlyâthat Israeli students who complete their military service and come to Columbia have âbeen known to harass Palestinians and other studentsâ on campus. Most recently, NYU established that Zionism, a political ideology, is a protected class within the meaning of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Actâfurther restricting political agency and speech. Nine universities have suspended their chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine; in Florida, Governor Ron DeSantis has tried to ban the group altogether.
All of this has cleared a neat path for the second Trump administration, which will be all too happy to intensify the securitization of Palestinians and the Palestinian liberation struggle for the sake of expanding police power and government repression. Even while taking credit for the ceasefire in Gaza, Trumpâs national security advisor, Michael Waltz, expressed alignment with the Biden administrationâs murderous Middle East policy, described the pager attack in Lebanon as movie-worthy, and framed the college protestsâwhich Biden had condemned at every turnâas wind under Hamasâs sails:
Every time [Hamas] got the news of these antisemitic protests on our college campuses, and that Hezbollah could be coming in, and seeing calls for regime change against the democratically elected Israeli government, they thought they were winning and could continue to sacrifice their own people to turn world opinion against the Israelis.
Congress already seems to be in lockstep with this new trajectory. Weeks after Trumpâs election win, a majority of the Houseâincluding fifteen Democratsâapproved HR 9495, an amendment that would give Congress the authority to revoke the tax-exempt status of any nonprofit organization it accuses of having terrorist affinities, without access to the evidence or the right to due process. Robust support for the bill is predicated on its stated purpose of targeting Palestine-related activity, yet if it is adopted by the Senate, it will be used to quash broad swaths of civil societyâparticularly those in opposition to Trump. The billâs ally outside of government is Project Esther, a Heritage Foundation initiative that seeks to combat antisemitism by targeting groups it identifies as part of a âHamas Support Network,â including organizations like Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine. The initiative manifests the International Holocaust Remembrance Allianceâs definition of antisemitism, which includes protest of Israel and Israeli policy, at its full and most dangerous potential.
By now, it should be clear that conservative agendas continue to use Palestine as a Trojan horse. Yet the liberal establishment has not raised the alarms. Worse, they have often served as the rightâs complicit partner, oblivious to the precedents that Trump is now inheriting: broader police power, unaccountable presidential power, generalized repression, and gross restrictions on speech. The vicious culture of anti-Palestinian racism they have helped normalize strengthens Trumpâs insidious narrative of migrants as terrorist threats, all as part of a massive push to facilitate deportations, ramp up surveillance, and further militarize the border. Among the flurry of executive orders he signed on Inauguration Day is one promising to deport foreign nationals who âprovide aid, advocacy, or support for foreign terrorists.â Just two days later, a pro-Israel group submitted a list of 100 students and 20 faculty with visas in the United States to the Trump administration urging their deportation. The administration then issued another executive order encouraging faculty, students, and administrators to surveil one another and report students who participate in pro-Palestinian protest, threatening to deport protesters who are in the United States on a visa. Meanwhile, a New Yorkâbased national defense and cyber intelligence company, Stellar Technologies, pledged to use its AI technology to help identify masked protestersâan effort it calls âOperation Wrath of Zion.â
For all these reasons, Trumpâs second coming canât be understood without turning our gaze outward, toward a broader geography of U.S. state violence. In November 2023, in between rounds of U.S.-made bombs raining down on Al Shifa Hospital, Palestinian children in Gaza organized a press conference in front of the hospital, entreating us to do what we can to save them: âWe come now to shout and invite you to protect us; we want to live, we want peace. . . . we want to live as the other children live.â Under what conditions did children have to organize a press conference asking us not to let them be slaughtered? And should we be surprised that, after such gruesome crimes have been committed in our name, fascism has found fertile ground here at home? For fifteen months, Palestinians and their allies protested relentlessly and, at times, heroically, not only to stop a genocide but to salvage and preserve core humanitarian principles governing life within the United States, insisting that genocide is suicide. Surviving this next chapter demands that we see ourselves as the rest of the world sees us too.
Reports on Israel's genocide in Gaza, 2023-present
Below is a list of publicly accessible reports and court documents (from governments, human rights orgs, ICJ, etc.) I've come across documenting Israel's genocide on Palestinians, 2023-present. Feel free to add reports as they're published; when possible, please link directly to the site where the report is hosted rather than a repository (i.e., Google Drive, etc.). Some of these reports are also accompanied by digital archives and data visualizations.
"'You Feel Like You Are Subhuman': Israel's Genocide Against Palestinians in Gaza," Amnesty International, Dec. 5, 2024
"Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem," International Court of Justice, July 19, 2024
"Patterns of harm analysis: Gaza, October 2023," Airwars, Dec. 2024
"Anatomy of a Genocide â Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967 to Human Rights Council," United Nations Human Rights Council, March 24, 2024
"Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel," United Nations Human Rights Council, June 14, 2024
"A Spatial Analysis of the Israeli Militaryâs Conduct in Gaza since October 2023," Forensic Architecture, Oct. 15, 2024
"A Cartography of Genocide," Forensic Architecture
"Genocide as colonial erasure: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese," United Nations, Oct. 1, 2024
"Genocide in Gaza: Analysis of International Law and its Application to Israel's Military Actions since October 7, 2023," University Network for Human Rights, May 15, 2024
"Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel," United Nations, Sept. 11, 2024
"Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli
Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian
People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories," United Nations, Sept. 20, 2024
"Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel)," International Court of Justice, Dec. 29, 2023
Sabar Project (Website | Instagram) (note: the site is currently down)
I think part of my aversion to LLMs is purely spiritual. Writing and reading are the twin pillars of my life, sacred rooms of thought and communion with those separated by time and space. To deploy algorithmic and machine learning models into these domainsâsummarizing, synthesizing what we'd rather not read, ever helping us to "write better"âis akin to blasphemy.
snowghoul
jbbartram-illu
titsay
annaxmalina
vaporwave
pixelskylines
