Why Does the UN Keep Coming Back to Israel? The Story No One Tells You
For 50 years, one political coalition has shaped the world's conversation in the UN. To understand why, you have to go back to the Cold War, the Arab boycott, and the rise of the Red-Green Alliance.
If you asked most people under 35 which country the United Nations condemns the most, they probably wouldnât know.
But if you told them the answer is Israel, and thatâs the case, then Israel must be one of the worldâs worst human rights offenders.
Some of them will wonder: Wait, isn't Israel constantly attacked by Islamist terrorist groups? What about Russia, which is massacring Ukrainians while also sending countless of its own citizens to die in a needless war with no end in sight, silencing opposition voices, and abducting Ukrainian children?Â
What about Iran, which killed tens of thousands of people during protests against the regime, with some estimates claiming more than 30,000 people were killed in just two days, while launching missiles across the Middle East in the name of a radical Islamist jihad?Â
What about Eritrea, one of the world's most brutal and repressive dictatorships, where citizens are conscripted into military service for life?Â
Or the Democratic Republic of the Congo, often described as the rape capital of the world, where rape has been used as a weapon of war, millions have been displaced, children are forced to serve as soldiers, and countless other atrocities continue alongside catastrophic human rights abuses?
Thatâs the power of the UN.
It doesnât just pass resolutions, It shapes global perception. Journalists cite it. Universities teach it. NGOs amplify it. Millions of people who have never visited the Middle East absorb its conclusions without ever questioning how they were reached.
Hereâs the problem: I donât believe the UNâs obsession with Israel is primarily about human rights, itâs about politics.
To understand why, we need to rewind to the 1970âs.
The Cold War was at its peak. The Soviet Union was looking for every opportunity to weaken the United States and its allies. At the same time, Arab governments were expanding their diplomatic campaign against Israel, building on the long-standing Arab boycott by seeking to isolate the Jewish state internationally, as in the Middle East, colonized by the Arab Muslims, there cannot be a non Muslim sovereignty.
Israel is the only non Muslim sovereignty in the Middle East. Every minority in the Middle East is being persecuted by Islamists - Yazidis, Christians, Druze and others.
Those interests converged inside the United Nations.
Many describe this as the Red-Green Alliance: not a formal organization, but a political partnership between Communist/socialists, Arab states, and, in later decades, Islamist movements. They shared little ideologically, but they shared one strategic objective: isolate Israel and undermine American influence in international institutions.
One vote captured that shift more than any other.
In 1975, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 3379, declaring that âZionism is a form of racismâ brought to you by the red green alliance. For many, this was more than another diplomatic resolution. It was an attempt to redefine the national liberation movement of the Jewish people as a form of bigotry. The resolution was eventually repealed in 1991, but its impact on international discourse was profound.
From that point on, anti-Israel majorities inside parts of the UN became increasingly entrenched through bloc voting.
That legacy, never really disappeared.
For years, the UN Human Rights Council maintained Agenda Item 7, a permanent agenda item dedicated exclusively to Israel. No other country had its own standing agenda item. At the same time, governments with deeply troubling human rights records often secured seats on the very council responsible for judging others.
The pattern extended beyond Geneva.
The 2001 Durban Conference on Racism, intended to combat discrimination, became notorious for anti-Israel and antisemitic rhetoric during parallel NGO events, reinforcing concerns that legitimate criticism of Israeli policy was increasingly intertwined with efforts to delegitimize Israelâs very existence.
None of this means Israel should be immune from criticism.
Like every democracy, it makes mistakes. Its governments should be criticised.
But thatâs not the same as applying a different standard.
When one liberal democracy receives extraordinary attention while some of the worldâs most repressive regimes receive comparatively less, it is fair to ask whether universal principles are really being applied universally.
For me, this is the central question.
The credibility of international institutions depends on consistency. If geopolitical alliances determine who is condemned, who is ignored, and who gets to define the moral narrative, then those institutions stop functioning as impartial referees and begin functioning as political arenas.
You donât have to agree with every decision Israel has ever made.
You donât have to identify as pro-Israel.
But you should ask why one country has occupied such a unique place in the UNâs political imagination for nearly half a century.
Because before accepting any institution as the worldâs moral compass, itâs worth asking who has been holding the compass all along.