Shabbat Shalom and Chodesh tov!
Welcome to the month of Elul.Ā
Have a wonderful weekend.Ā Stay safe, everyone.
Parashat Shoftim
Deuteronomy 16:18 - 21:9

if i look back, i am lost
macklin celebrini has autism
Sade Olutola

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@girlactionfigure
Shabbat Shalom and Chodesh tov!
Welcome to the month of Elul.Ā
Have a wonderful weekend.Ā Stay safe, everyone.
Parashat Shoftim
Deuteronomy 16:18 - 21:9
How a famine and a genocide shaped two nations
Israel and Lebanon are two nations shaped by traumaāThe Great Famine of Mount Lebanon and the Holocaustāyet while Israelās scars forged a fortress for a beleaguered nation, Lebanonās fears drew borders that became a deadly trap for its inhabitants.Ā
Itās fascinating to examine why this happened, but first, letās get the geography and demographics out of the way because in the end of the day, this is what itās all about: land and people.
Unlike Israel, there has never been such a state as Lebanon, nor was āLebaneseā a national identity. The term was been purely geographical and quite vague. The modern borders of Lebanon were drawn under the French mandate in 1920, the same year as Palestine was created by the British. Prior to that, Lebanon was the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate, a predominantly Christian and Druze region of the Ottoman Empire.
Originally, the entire French mandate was called āSyria.ā However, wanting to maximize their territorial gains following WWI, France moved the Lebanon-Syrian border to the Anti-Lebanon Mountains. This territory had historically belonged to Damascus and was culturally closer to it than to Beirut.Ā
This change of borders wasnāt a purely cynical imperialist move, however.Ā
In 1919, a Lebanese delegation led by Maronite Patriarch Elias Peter Hoayek asked for a significant extension of the frontiers of the Lebanon Mutasarrifate, arguing that the additional areas constituted natural parts of Lebanon.Ā
The French obliged.
This was rather shortsighted of the Maronites, since it resulted in the Christian community losing its absolute majority in Lebanon. However, their desire for more land was not the result of greed, but trauma.
Just like the Jews in Palestine desired to have a state with as many Jews as possible due to the horror of the Holocaust, which saw two third of the Jews of the Old World murdered by the non-Jews they lived among, the Lebanese were motivated to have as much land as possible by the Great Famine of 1915-1918.Ā
Strangely, itās an event few people outside of Lebanon know about, even though it killed half the population of a country and was almost entirely manmade.
A starving family in Lebanon
The Great Famine of Mount Lebanon (1915ā1918) was caused by three factors coming together during World War I:
The Ottoman requisitions and restrictions on food, which worsened shortages.
The Allied blockade of the eastern Mediterranean that blocked food imports.
Local hoarding and profiteering.
During the famine, 200,000 people living in Mount Lebanon died, creating an existential fear of not having enough land to independently feed the population, just like the Holocaust created an existential fear not being able to independently defend the population.
As a consequence of the border shift, the demographics of Lebanon changed dramatically. Sunnis increased X8 and Shias increase X4. Christians became barely half the population, which is what the British originally planned for the Jews in Palestine.
In 1943, the new Lebanese government voted to abolish the mandate. The French grudgingly agreed and the last French troops withdrew in 1946, one year before the British left Palestine, leading to the creation of the State of Israel.Ā
Both regions soon experienced civil wars fueled by the heterogeneity of the population.Ā
The post-Holocaust Jewish strategy prioritized military self-reliance and a centralized nation state designed to prevent Jewish helplessness; a Jewish fortress where Jews would not depend on anyone to protect them.
The war in Palestine resulted in the creation of a Jewish state with an absolute Jewish majority, following a population exchange with the surrounding Arab states. The conflict is rarely framed this way, but this is what it was: the Arabs fled from areas under Jewish control while Jews fled from areas under Arab control.
Israelās goal was achieved: a strong and stable nation state, albeit with smaller borders than it had hoped.
Meanwhile, post-famine fear in Lebanon led the fledgling state to demand the borders of āGreater Lebanon.ā By expanding beyond Mount Lebanon to ensure economic viability, they incorporated diverse sectarian populations without a unifying national narrative. The political system designed to protect the cohesion of these diverse groups sharing the same land eventually paralyzed the state, making its borders a pressure cooker rather than a shield. The result was several bloody civil wars and a failed state that constantly succumbs to foreign influence.Ā
As it turns out, in the Middle East, diversity is not our strength.
URI KURLIANCHIK
š I WALKED FREELY IN ISRAEL. THEN I ENTERED AL-AQSA.
The irony still makes my blood boil.
In December, I traveled through Israel openly as a Muslim.
I walked freely through Jerusalem. I entered synagogues. I visited churches. I stood at the Western Wall. I spoke openly about being Muslim and about my support for Israel.
Nobody stopped me because I was Muslim. Nobody demanded that I hide my faith. Nobody treated my religion as a threat.
Then I went to Al-Aqsa Mosque, one of the holiest sites in Islam, whose Islamic holy sites are administered by the Jordanian-controlled Waqf.
My own holy place.
I was wearing a small hostage pin in solidarity with innocent people kidnapped by Hamas.
And suddenly, I was the problem.
I was confronted. I was removed. I was briefly detained and questioned. My U.S. passport was taken from me.
Over a hostage pin.
Think about the hypocrisy.
I could walk freely through the Jewish state as a Muslim. I could visit Jewish and Christian holy places without being told what I was allowed to believe.
But at one of Islam's holiest sites, under the religious administration of the Jordanian Waqf, showing compassion for Jewish hostages became a problem.
What exactly was my crime?
Refusing to hate Jews?
Refusing to believe that being Muslim requires silence when Jews are kidnapped?
Refusing to surrender my conscience to extremists who think they have the authority to decide what a Muslim is allowed to believe?
Absolutely not.
No imam, cleric, religious authority, government or extremist gets to dictate the boundaries of my conscience.
My Islam does not require hatred of Jews.
My Muslim identity does not require hatred of Israel.
And my compassion does not stop when the victim is Jewish.
That hostage pin represented something very simple:
Human beings were kidnapped. They deserved to come home.
If that message is considered offensive at one of the holiest places in Islam, then we Muslims need to ask ourselves some very uncomfortable questions.
I walked out of Al-Aqsa angry, disappointed, but even more determined.
You can take my passport. You can question me. You can remove me from a holy site. But you will NOT dictate my conscience.
I am Muslim.
I stand against antisemitism.
I stand against Islamist extremism.
I stand with the Jewish people.
And I will never apologize for believing Muslims and Jews can stand together.
Not even at Al-Aqsa. Especially at Al-Aqsa.
Beyond the Beauty | Parashat Shoftim
A disease so deadly, the Nazis wouldn't go near it. The catch? It didn't exist.
Unpacked Media
Does BDS Help Palestinians? The Economic Evidence Suggests Otherwise
From Ireland's Israeli Tech Boycott to SodaStream, the Evidence Raises a Difficult Question: Who Really Pays the Price of BDS?
ELLA KENAN
Imagine your government spending millions on a new aircraft only to discover it cannot safely operate in poor weather because a critical navigation system was removed. That is exactly what happened in Ireland this summer after officials decided to replace an Israeli-made FalconEye navigation system. The decision was celebrated by BDS supporters as a political victory, but als prevented the government aircraft from landing in fog without the system, while adding additional costs for Irish taxpayers.
For years, the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement has argued that economic boycotts are an effective way to support Palestinian rights by increasing pressure on Israel. But evidence points to a different outcome.
In several high-profile cases, the people who suffered the greatest economic consequences were not Israeli policymakers or corporations, but ordinary Palestinians who lost jobs, investment, and economic opportunities or even the parties that boycotted Israeli tech.
Irelandās recent boycott of Israeli technology illustrate a broader pattern: when economic ties are severed, itās often not necessarily the Israelis that bear a significant share of the cost.
The same pattern appeared about a decade earlier in the SodaStream case.Ā
After sustained pressure from BDS activists, the company closed its factory in the West Bank. Hundreds of Palestinian employees lost stable, relatively well-paid jobs with benefits, and many struggled to find comparable employment afterward.
These are not isolated examples. When international companies withdraw from joint ventures or avoid investing in the region because of boycott campaigns, Palestinians frequently are gaining nothing from it, if not losing.Ā
Israeli companies often adapt by relocating production, diversifying supply chains, or investing in automation. Palestinian workers usually have far fewer alternatives.
For young Americans and Europeans who care deeply about justice and human rights, this raises an important question:
If BDS succeeds, who actually pays the price?
In many documented cases, the answer is ordinary Palestinians.
In my opinion, BDS also deserves scrutiny for the kind of political vision it offers. Its message is often framed as peaceful economic pressure, but its broader political agenda is centered far more on delegitimizing, isolating, and dismantling Israel than on building a realistic alternative for coexistence. It offers a powerful language of moral condemnation, but far less of a vision for what comes after the destruction it demands.
Ella
I used to think āFirst they come for the Saturday people, then they come for the Sunday peopleā was a brilliant warning. I quoted it myself many times.
Then I realized the phrase contains the very illusion it supposedly warns against: the word āthen.ā
It allows Sunday people to imagine thereās a sequence. First the Jews. Then, someday, them. As long as Jews remain the primary target, they can reassure themselves: Weāre not there yet.
So they sleep through their own decline, watching their country and identity disappear while comforting themselves that itās still only Saturday.
There was never a āthen.ā
The Saturday people and the Sunday people were losing everything at the same time.
@Average_NY_Guy
In October 1991 Israeli Arab Muslim professor Ahmed Eid performed the first liver transplant in Israel, operating on a 14-year-old Jewish Israeli boy.
Professor Eid is a physician and professor at Hadassah hospital in Jerusalem and was honored on Israel's day of independence.
When asked if he would use the usual wording at the Independence Day ceremony of: "for the glory of the state of Israel", Professor Eid said: "I will say with joy for the glory of the state of Israel. It is my state and everything I have achieved has been because of this state."
The state of Israel is a place of equality, coexistence, opportunity, and a love for life.
Ben Allen
On This Day ā August 12ā13, 1952
Night of the Murdered Poets: Stalin massacres the greatest living Yiddish writers in a prison basement.
Thirteen leading Soviet Jewish intellectuals, including poets, novelists, and cultural figures, were taken to Moscowās Lubyanka prison and executed by firing squad on Stalinās direct orders.
They had been members of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, which the Soviets used during the war to rally Jewish support against the Nazis.
Once the war was over, Stalin turned on them.
They were accused of āZionism,ā ābourgeois nationalism,ā and treason. Their real crime was writing in Yiddish and maintaining a distinct Jewish cultural identity inside the Soviet empire.
Stalin destroyed the last major center of Yiddish literature in Europe.
The Night of the Murdered Poets remains one of the clearest proofs that Soviet āanti-fascismā had no problem murdering Jews once they were no longer seen as āuseful.ā
@CptAllenHistory
ā”ļøš®š± URGENT: ISRAELI MOTHER & DAUGHTER MISSING The search continues for Mali Yahalomi, 50, and her daughter Liel, 23, who have been missing since Friday, August 7, while traveling in Austria and the Czech Republic. š®š± Israeli, Austrian and Czech authorities are coordinating the search. šØ If you have seen them or have ANY information, please contact: š Israeli Embassy emergency line: +43 676 367 2304 š± Search WhatsApp: +972 50 689 9026 Please SHARE widely ā even the smallest piece of information could help bring Mali and Liel home safely. šš»
jonnydaniels
markchangizi
see987t
Dude, Iām exhausted. And an insomniac. Pardon my typos.
waxewod
Antisemitism isnāt just a Jewish issue; itās a human issue. Itās our duty to stand against it and speak out.
muslim_zionist18