The case of Haiti provides one of the best-known examples of the relation between the rise of modern plantations and the types of environmental, political, and social changes that we intend to explore. With the development of intensive models of monoculture plantations (sugar, tobacco, coffee, and indigo) starting in the late seventeenth century, Saint Domingue became one of the wealthiest plantation societies of the early modern era. The riches that Saint Domingue produced were only made possible by the voracious consumption of human bodies and arable land, and the development of consumer markets, that characterized the new world of plantations emerging in the early modern Atlantic world.
In Haitiâs hinterland, however, distant from the coastal region where plantations and colonial centers of power prevailed, Black radical agrarian traditions took root. On Haitiâs Central Plateau, where the enslaved planted gardens, and where maroons sought refuge, quite different aggregations of life and value emerged alongside and against the plantation. Haitian sociologist Jean Casimir  locates these practices of land and labor struggle within an enduring âcounterplantationâ system. Forms of counterplantation life have included not only the maroon settlements of colonial and revolutionary Saint-Domingue, but also the guerrilla soldiers, called Cacos, who fought against the U.S. Occupation of the early 20th century, and the peasantsâ movements that continue to flourish in Haiti today. As scholars including C.L.R. James, Clyde Woods, and Jean Casimir have pointed out, those who dwell in Haitiâs hinterland have cultivated forms of counterplantation life that continue to resonate across the Afro-Americas today.
Rural social movements like the Mouvman Peyizan Papay (MPP, or the Peasantsâ Movement of Papaye) offer one key example of ongoing efforts to cultivate other agrarian futures beyond and against the plantation. In the part of the high Central Plateau where MPP was founded in 1973, cattle and goats graze hillsides that were never planted with sugarcane or coffee like the plains to the West or the North. Working in collective labor formations called gwoupman, peasants put the agroecological methods that MPPâs organizers and trainers teach to use in their small garden plots. As in the provision grounds that sustained enslaved persons at the margins of the plantation, in these gardens, peasants grow maize, vegetables, and fruit for household consumption and the local market. Through movements like MPP, rural dwellers in Haitiâs hinterland struggle to hold onto a mode of agrarian life that affirms economic autonomy, socio-ecological sustainability, and political sovereignty, even as emergent formations of power and capital continue to reproduce plantation worlds.
Monique Allewaert, Sophie Sapp Moore, Gregg Mitman, and Pablo F. Gomez. âPlantation Legacies.â 2019.