I gave in and made a blog to put discussion of reproductive issues on
I follow from my main which is blank, I can let you know if you want what that is
💙 comparing abortion to the Holocaust is a form of Holocaust denial. If you cannot understand the difference between a medical procedure we only support when it’s chosen and the systemic murder of my people, you are not safe for Jews or anyone to be around. 💙
Re: the abortion-eugenics connection that's often talked about, something worth mentioning is that the first person to legalize abortion in Poland was Adolf Hitler, because what better way to decrease the population of a "slave race"? /s (I mean aside from all the executions of random people and concentration camps and bombings and death penalty for everything)
I've never heard anyone outside of Poland mention it, but I think the fact belongs up (down?) there with Margaret Sanger's KKK speeches.
The Nazis murdered abortion doctors and there’s a long history of Jews being blamed for the “white race” diminishing. It’s disingenuous to claim that the Nazis were pro choice. They were in favor of more white babies and less (no) Jewish, Romani, non white etc babies
It’s incredibly important to talk about how abortion can be used as a tool for eugenics but it’s in incredibly bad faith when it’s from people who don’t acknowledge that forced or mandatory pregnancy can also be used as eugenics. I’m not saying that’s what you’re claiming but I have seen this argument made in bad faith before
As states across the country move to make sure students are well fed, Republicans have announced their intention to fight back.
By Prem Thakker
States across the country are moving to provide universal free school meals to all our children. Meanwhile, Republicans are trying to stop them from doing just that.
The Republican Study Committee (of which some three-quarters of House Republicans are members) on Wednesday released its desired 2024 budget, in which the party boldly declares its priority to eliminate the Community Eligibility Provision, or CEP, from the School Lunch Program. Why? Because “CEP allows certain schools to provide free school lunches regardless of the individual eligibility of each student.”
The horror.
Of note is that the CEP is not even something every school participates in; it is a meal service program reserved for qualifying schools and districts in low-income areas. The program enables schools that predominantly serve children from low-income backgrounds to offer all students free breakfast and lunch, instead of means-testing them and having to manage collecting applications on an individual basis. As with many universal-oriented programs, it is more practically efficient and, as a bonus, lifts all boats. This is what Republicans are looking to eliminate.
It’s the kind of provision that many would want every school to participate in. Why not guarantee all our children are well fed as they learn and think about our world and their place in it, after all?
But indeed, as California, Colorado, Maine, Minnesota, New Mexico, and as of this week, Vermont, all move to provide universal free school meals in one form or another—and at least another 21 states consider similar moves—Republicans are trying to whittle down avenues to accomplish that goal.
Along with trying to stop schools from giving all their students free meals, the proposed 2024 Republican budget includes efforts to:
• cut Social Security and Medicare
• make Trump’s tax cuts for the top 1% permanent
• impose work requirements on “all federal benefit programs,” like food stamps and Medicare
• extend work requirements on those aged 55–64
• bring back all of twice-impeached and twice-arrested former President Donald Trump’s deregulations, including the weakening of environmental protection.
And that’s just a taste of their hopes and dreams. But don’t mistake it all as just wish-casting: “The RSC Budget is more than just a financial statement. It is a statement of priorities,” the party assures in the document.
Dorota C. was only thirty-three years old. She and her husband were expecting their first child. However, on the night of May 21, her amniot
The baby was already dead when the pregnant woman got to the hospital, but the doctors didn't help her because they were afraid that they would be jailed for providing an abortion. They didn't give this vital healthcare, so the woman died. It's not the first time it happens and it won't be the last as long as abortion is illegal.
(...) A strict anti-abortion law is still in force in Poland, which has already led to the death of several pregnant women. For example, Dorota’s fate is reminiscent of the story of thirty-year-old Izabela, who also died of sepsis after the loss of amniotic fluid. Then, the doctors were waiting for labor to start on its own, or for the baby in Izabela’s body to die.
They were afraid that otherwise they would violate the new abortion ban. It forbids abortion under any circumstances. Only a few exceptions are allowed – in addition to rape and incest, is the threat to the mother’s life. However, the interpretation of the law was initially unclear, and doctors face up to three years in prison for violating it. Although Izabela had a legal right to an abortion, they preferred not to perform it at the hospital.
5 women say Texas' abortion bans put their lives and health at risk. : NPR
The lawsuit filed on behalf of five patients who said their lives were put at risk and two physicians asks a state judge to clarify exceptio
Five women who were denied abortions under Texas law while facing medical crises are suing the state, asking a judge to clarify exceptions to the laws.
"[The women] have been denied necessary and potentially life-saving obstetrical care because medical professionals throughout the state fear liability under Texas's abortion bans," says the lawsuit, filed in state court by the Center for Reproductive Rights on behalf of the five women and two doctors.
"Just because Roe v. Wade is no longer the law of the land does not mean that women and pregnant people are without constitutional and basic human rights," says Molly Duane, senior staff attorney with the center. "We're talking about people who are in medical emergencies, who need urgent medical care and whose physicians are too scared to provide that care because of the state's laws and because of the state's failure to provide any clarification around what its law means."
The suit names Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton as a plaintiff. His office responded Tuesday by saying Paxton "will continue to defend and enforce the laws duly enacted by the Texas Legislature" and by forwarding a "guidance letter" on the state ban triggered by the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.
How Common Is Transgender Treatment Regret, Detransitioning?
Many states have enacted or contemplated limits or outright bans on transgender medical treatment, with conservative US lawmakers saying the
Dutch research from several years ago found no evidence of regret in transgender adults who had comprehensive psychological evaluations in childhood before undergoing puberty blockers and hormone treatment.
Some studies suggest that rates of regret have declined over the years as patient selection and treatment methods have improved. In a review of 27 studies involving almost 8,000 teens and adults who had transgender surgeries, mostly in Europe, the U.S and Canada, 1% on average expressed regret. For some, regret was temporary, but a small number went on to have detransitioning or reversal surgeries, the 2021 review said.
Research suggests that comprehensive psychological counseling before starting treatment, along with family support, can reduce chances for regret and detransitioning.
When abortion was legal across the country, doctors in all states would typically offer to induce or perform a surgical procedure to end the pregnancy when faced with a pre-viability PPROM case — which is the standard of care, according to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), and an option that many women choose. Especially before the 20-week mark, a fetus is extremely unlikely to survive without any amniotic fluid.
But in the 18 states where abortion is now banned before fetal viability, many hospitals have been turning away pre-viability PPROM patients as doctors and administrators fear the legal risk that could come with terminating even a pregnancy that could jeopardize the mother’s well-being, according to 12 physicians practicing in antiabortion states.
The medical exceptions to protect the life of the mother that are included in abortion bans are often described in vague language that does not appear to cover pre-viability PPROM, doctors said. That’s because the risks of the condition are often less clear-cut than other medical emergencies, such as an ectopic pregnancy, in which a fertilized egg grows outside of the uterus, dooming the fetus and posing an immediate danger to the mother’s life.
A 2022 study on the impact of Texas’s six-week abortion ban found that 57 percent of pre-viability PPROM patients in Texas who were not given the option to end their pregnancies experienced “a serious maternal morbidity,” such as infection or hemorrhage, compared with 33 percent of PPROM patients who chose to terminate in states without abortion bans. According to 2018 ACOG guidance, “isolated maternal deaths due to infection” have been reported in early PPROM cases.
Florida’s abortion law, enacted last year, bans the procedure after 15 weeks of pregnancy except when an abortion would either “save the pregnant woman’s life” or “avert a serious risk of substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function.” The law includes another exception for a “fatal fetal anomaly,” which generally would not apply in a pre-viability PPROM case, according to several doctors, because there is no fetal anomaly but a lack of amniotic fluid, which limits the fetus’s chances of survival.
The state’s Republican-led legislature is swiftly moving toward passing a far stricter law banning abortion after six weeks of pregnancy. The new measure — which passed the Florida Senate last week and is awaiting final passage in the House — adds exceptions for rape and incest but does not address PPROM.
One of the sponsors of Florida’s 15-week abortion ban defended the current law as written, saying the existing exception should be sufficient to cover cases with serious health risks. An explicit exception for PPROM is not necessary, she added.
“The bottom line is we value life, and we would like to protect life,” said former Florida state senator Kelli Stargel (R). “We don’t want to give a gaping exception that anyone can claim.”
Of all the pregnancy complications affected by abortion bans, pre-viability PPROM is one of the most widespread, according to doctors interviewed for this story. The condition is common enough that one day after Cook was turned away from the hospital, the same thing happened to one of her closest friends. Shanae Smith-Cunningham, 32, was 19 weeks into her pregnancy when her water broke.
This story of what happened to the two friends is based on over 200 pages of medical records provided by the patients and on internal hospital documents, as well as text messages, videos and social media posts. In addition to Cook and Smith-Cunningham, The Washington Post interviewed friends and family members who witnessed the events, and several of the doctors involved in the women’s care.
A 22-Year-Old Texas Man Fatally Shot His Partner for Traveling to Get an Abortion
Harold Thompson choked and then murdered his partner, Gabriella Gonzalez, in a parking lot in Dallas the day she returned from having an abo
A Texas man, 22, was arrested on Wednesday evening for fatally shooting his 26-year-old girlfriend for traveling to Colorado to get an abortion, the Dallas Morning News reported on Friday. The man, Harold Thompson, shot his partner, Gabriella Gonzalez, in a parking lot in the West Oak Cliff neighborhood of Dallas the day after she returned from traveling for her abortion, police say.
Per an arrest-warrant affidavit obtained by the Dallas Morning News, the Dallas Police Department reviewed surveillance footage that shows Thompson and Gonzalez walking together and having an argument shortly before the shooting. In the horrifying footage, Thompson assaults and attempts to put Gonzalez in a chokehold, but she pushes him off and they continue to walk together. Then Thompson takes out a gun, shoots Gonzalez in the head, and shoots her several more times after she falls to the ground.
The arrest-warrant affidavit notes that Thompson is believed to have been the one who impregnated Gonzalez. He disapproved of her abortion, and court records obtained by the newspaper say that he shot her because of this. In addition to his murder charge, Thompson also reportedly faces a charge of assault of a household member, the Dallas Morning News reports.
Dorota C. was only thirty-three years old. She and her husband were expecting their first child. However, on the night of May 21, her amniot
The baby was already dead when the pregnant woman got to the hospital, but the doctors didn't help her because they were afraid that they would be jailed for providing an abortion. They didn't give this vital healthcare, so the woman died. It's not the first time it happens and it won't be the last as long as abortion is illegal.
(...) A strict anti-abortion law is still in force in Poland, which has already led to the death of several pregnant women. For example, Dorota’s fate is reminiscent of the story of thirty-year-old Izabela, who also died of sepsis after the loss of amniotic fluid. Then, the doctors were waiting for labor to start on its own, or for the baby in Izabela’s body to die.
They were afraid that otherwise they would violate the new abortion ban. It forbids abortion under any circumstances. Only a few exceptions are allowed – in addition to rape and incest, is the threat to the mother’s life. However, the interpretation of the law was initially unclear, and doctors face up to three years in prison for violating it. Although Izabela had a legal right to an abortion, they preferred not to perform it at the hospital.
An American Nightmare: Young, pregnant & living in Texas
Her fetus had no chance of survival. Texas didn't care.
-
There was a point during their 11-hour car ride home when Terry’s boyfriend debated whether or not to bring her to an emergency room. Terry was pale and lightheaded, and had terrible blue-ish bags under her eyes. “She was looking really, really bad,” Eric, 22, tells me. “At a certain point she just faded.”
But the couple were only halfway home, and Eric didn’t want to stop at a hospital at 3am in one of the reddest parts of Texas. Not when they were coming from a New Mexico abortion clinic. “He was worried that they would call somebody and report us,” Terry, 21, says. And so he drove on.
Terry and Eric’s nightmare began just a few days earlier at a 15-week ultrasound appointment. It had been a normal day, Terry says. She and Eric had gone out for breakfast in Round Rock, where the young couple lives, and planned to see a movie when the appointment was over. They thought they’d be learning the gender of the baby that day, and had picked out names in anticipation: Ren for a boy, Summer for a girl.
But at the appointment, Terry noticed that her OBGYN was getting quieter and quieter the longer that she looked at the ultrasound. The doctor left the room, and came back with a phone number, address, and instructions to make an appointment with a specialist immediately.
It was at that point, Terry says, that she began to go numb.
Just a few hours later, the couple were sitting in front of a maternal fetal specialist in Austin delivering unthinkable news: Terry’s fetus had not developed at all above the neck—there was no head. It was a one-in-a-million abnormality, the specialist told them. And while the fetus obviously had no chance of survival, there was still heartbeat present.
In Texas—which enacted a near-total abortion ban in 2021, and a total ban shortly after Roe v. Wade was overturned—that was a problem.
Texas’ abortion law doesn’t have an exception for fetal abnormalities, not even lethal ones. The state requires women to carry pregnancies even when the fetus has no chance of survival, a cruelty that Republican legislators don’t like to talk about.
Eric was baffled, he says, as the reality of the law sunk in. “Like at that point there has to be some sort of reasoning to allow these special cases,” he said. “It’s so cutthroat, and that’s what really makes me mad.”
The couple had to process more than just the horrific news about the fetal abnormality: Terry, herself, was also very ill. And waiting for her pregnancy to end on its own carried a serious risk. She hadn’t been feeling well for a few weeks—she had trouble keeping food down, and was often too tired to get out of bed. Terry figured it was just a difficult pregnancy. But lab work revealed issues with her kidneys and liver, and found that she was severely malnourished and had elevated blood pressure.
As sick as she was, Terry wasn’t at an ‘imminent’ risk of death—not yet, anyway—and Texas law requires the danger to a woman’s life be a “medical emergency” in order to qualify for an abortion.
Because the deliberately vague language of the law isn’t medical terminology, doctors in the state have been left to struggle with just how close to death a patient needs to be in order for them to legally provide care. As a result, multiple Texas women have come close to dying after being denied abortions. (Fifteen of those patients are suing the state right now.)
And while Texas Governor Greg Abbott has claimed he wants to “clarify” the ban to “make sure that the lives of both the mother and the baby can be protected,” the state is actually suing the federal government in opposition to a rule that requires hospitals to give women life-saving emergency abortions.
For Terry, the concern was that if doctors waited for her fetus’ heartbeat to stop, or until she was ‘sick enough’ to legally warrant an abortion, her health’s already-rapid decline could become irreversible.
And so she had two choices: Leave the state for an abortion, or wait and take her chances. “I kind of shut down,” Terry says.
Terry’s specialist was unequivocal: He recommended that she terminate the pregnancy. “There’s only one thing that we can do to assure that you walk out of this healthy,” she says he told her.
It’s advice many Texas doctors wouldn’t dare give—no matter how dire the circumstances. After all, state law prohibits “aiding and abetting” an abortion, and allows civil action against anyone who does. (NPR reports that the law has doctors “talking code” to patients in order to avoid speaking directly about abortion.)
Terry’s OBGYN, however, who is anti-abortion, gave different advice. She recommended that Terry carry the pregnancy until she went into labor—whether she was able to carry the pregnancy to term or gave premature birth. The doctor claimed it would be emotionally better for Terry to have a moment with her baby.
“As much as I wish I had the chance to hold my baby,” Terry said, “I don’t think anyone would want to see something that has no head.” What made Terry feel even worse was that her OBGYN pushed her to remain pregnant even as she explained the serious risks to her health.
“It felt like ‘does my life matter in this, or is this just about bringing a baby into the world for a moment’? It felt like my life didn’t matter, like I could just die and it would all be for nothing.”
Dr. Chloe Zera, a maternal fetal medicine physician and associate professor at Harvard Medical School, tells me, “It is very much the standard of care to offer termination, but like any other patient care situation, the best response is compassion.”
Dr. Zera says ideal treatment for patients like Terry is full spectrum pregnancy care—providing patients all the information they want in order to make a decision.
“For some people it’s very cut and dried, ‘I want an abortion,’” she says. For others, it might mean carrying the pregnancy and offering palliative care for the fetus. In her hospital, most patients with severe fetal abnormalities would have pediatric sub-specialists, nurses and social workers involved in their case. “We try to wrap around people with care,” she says.
The ability to get that kind of full spectrum care, though, depends on the kind of insurance you have, access to physicians, and—as in Terry’s case—what state you live in.
And so instead of being wrapped in love, and provided with a slew of experts to help her through a nightmare that few will face, Terry—just 21 years-old—had to come to terms with conflicting advice from two doctors and a backdrop of fear and isolation.
In the end, the decision was clear. Terry and Eric made calls to multiple out-of-state clinics and—amazingly, given the long waitlist at most providers—they found a place in New Mexico that could see her the following week.
For both, any feelings of confusion or helplessness soon gave way to anger. “I should not have to sit there all night staring at the wall and thinking about how the baby I wanted was still in me, with a failing heart and no head,” Terry tells me. “I’ve never been that angry before in my life.”
Instead of being able to take a moment to grieve their loss, the couple spent the next few days sorting out the logistics of the abortion. Because Terry was in her second trimester, the procedure would be expensive—between the abortion, travel and lodging, they would have to come up with about $2,000.
They made too much money to qualify for help from an abortion fund, but not enough money that the cost wouldn’t seriously hurt them. Terry only had $300 in her savings account.
The couple couldn’t go to their friends or family for financial help, either—they’re religious, and staunchly anti-abortion. Terry’s father once told her that if he knew someone who had an abortion, “he’d be more than willing to exercise his second amendment rights.”
When I asked if she thought her father might react differently given the circumstances, Terry was adamant: “I would get a lecture on how it's my motherly duty to bring my child into the world.”
And so they paid for the procedure out-of-pocket, using the entirety of Eric’s most recent paycheck, and told friends and family that they were going to New Mexico to go hiking. “I felt like a criminal,” Terry says. “We lied to everyone we knew to get out.”
The clinic appointment was early in the morning, so they found a nearby Motel 6 to sleep at the night before. The couple didn’t have enough money to cover a second night, though, so Eric would have to drive them the 11 hours back home after the procedure.
When they arrived at the clinic a few minutes before it opened, Terry and Eric were struck by the nondescript area. “If you weren’t looking for it, you would miss it,” Terry said. But the minute it hit 8am, two guards stationed themselves outside of the doors.
Later, Eric told Terry that while he sat in the waiting room during her procedure, different people would come up to the clinic doors and try to get in. They would claim they were there to support a patient, but it seemed as if they might really be protesters. Each one was turned away, but still, it was nerve-wracking. What if someone was able to get in?
Inside the procedure room, the mood was different. “The nurse held my hand, petted my hair and talked to me,” Terry said. “She kept me calm and wiped my tears.”
After the procedure, Terry had to stay in recovery longer than expected: there had been a bleed behind her placenta that wasn’t visible on the ultrasound, and so doctors kept her at the clinic for a few extra hours to ensure she was safe before leaving. By the time Terry was discharged, the couple realized they’d have to drive through the night to get home.
“He did his best to make sure that I was comfortable,” Terry says. But it’s not so easy to drive for hours after such an emotionally and physically taxing experience. Still—despite how scared Eric was of how poorly Terry looked in the car—they both say they made the right decision to drive all the way home without stopping at an emergency room in a conservative town. “We wanted to get as close to Austin as possible,” she says.
When I pointed out that no one did anything illegal—people are allowed to travel out of the state for care—Terry responded with a sentiment that anyone who follows abortion news knows is true: What the law says and what the law does are two different things.
“We’ve heard things about people getting reported and a whole investigation happening,” she said. Besides, Terry told me, she knows other states are considering the death penalty for abortion. What happens if Texas considers a law like that, and her name is on a list somewhere? She didn’t want to risk it.
That’s also why, a few weeks after the abortion, the couple still hasn’t told anyone. It’s not only fear of their friends’ judgment—but the knowledge that someone could turn them both in. After all, the state’s so-called ‘bounty hunter’ law allows private citizens to sue anyone they suspect of being involved in an abortion (that’s doctors, nurses, even people who drove to the out-of-state clinic) for at least $10,000.
The isolation, though, is painful; their community is a big part of their lives. “I go to church almost every Sunday, I’m friends with the pastor,” Terry told me. Now when she walks out into the world she feels as if she’s wearing a huge sign that announces she’s a criminal.
“It felt as if we were robbing a bank,” Eric tells me. “That’s how bad it felt, and it shouldn’t have to feel like that.”
Dr. Zera says that when it comes to pregnancy, there should be no government involvement. “The constellation of things that can go wrong in a pregnancy is so vast that you can never write legislation that captures the complexities of it,” she says. “It takes a real lack of humility to think that you could write a good law that could encompass all of that.”
Today, Terry and Eric are trying to get back to their normal lives. They still haven’t told any friends or family, which makes going about their day to day routines strange. They have to pretend as if everything is fine.
Eric says he tries to let himself feel all the grief and anger, but when he goes to work he has to push it all down. Terry, on the other hand, told me she just feels defeated.
“I wish I could move past it. I’ve never felt defeated before in my life. I failed math tests, I’ve lost sports games, but I've never felt defeated. Not like this.”
It all just feels pointless, she says. The suffering, the guilt, the pain and the loneliness. She should have been able to have an abortion close to home, she says, so that she could heal and be in the comfort of her own bed instead of driving for hours, afraid.
And that’s what Terry wants people to understand about her experience and the Texas law: the pain that it caused her. The pain it still causes. “I want to force people to see what they’re doing,” she says.
“I want Greg Abbott or anyone who voted for this law to look me in the eye and tell me that I deserved what happened. That I deserve to be punished by the law for what I’ve gone through. I want them to look me in the eye.”
So it finally happened. A 22 year old Tex-asshole strangles then shoots his 26 year old girlfriend after getting an abortion in Colorado. But you don’t care since women are expendable because Eve, and nonwhites are not human.
If this isn’t what anti-abortion groups want, why won’t they fix it?
Anti-choice groups have been trying to blame doctors for the horror stories coming out of Texas.
But Molly Duane, lawyer at the Center for Reproductive Rights tells the NY Times, “This is not some isolated incident of one doctor misunderstanding the law…This is a widespread, pervasive fear throughout the medical community.”
Turns out, if you write policies that draw a distinction where doctors don't (between spontaneous abortions versus elective abortions), and your policies make that nonexistent distinction a felony, a lot of doctors are going to choose saving themselves over potentially winding up in jail.