Today I struggled with my abstract. I’m going to dedicate the next 2 hours revising my literature review and my discussion sections but below is the progress I made today:
      The black-white achievement gap was recognized officially through publication of the 1966 report Equality of Educational Opportunity best known as the Coleman Report, in homage to its lead author, sociologist James S. Coleman. Per the mandate of the newly signed Civil Rights Act, the report was purposed to describe inequalities in elementary and secondary education between black and white students focusing heavily on the recently desegregated South (Evitts Dickinson, 2016). Coleman found that structural support systems, familial and community, largely impact the success of students (Hanushek, 2016) however; Coleman’s findings were only released after the enactment of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965. The legislation pushed through President Johnson’s administration overlooked the issue of the achievement gap among blacks and whites while prioritizing the “race-blind” achievement gap caused by poverty (Jeffery, 1978). Providing additional funding for school districts with high percentages of low-income students and emphasizing high standards and accountability in public school systems was supposed to be the formula for success in assuring equal educational opportunities.
      In 2001, 35 years and 5 reauthorizations later, the achievement gap was still persistent (National Black Caucus of State Legislators, 2001). In attempts to “level the playing field”, the Bush administration signed the No Child left behind Act into effect, this time being more stringent in its approach to implementing high standards and accountability through annual standardized testing and tracking Adequate Yearly Progress.  Schools that did not meet performance standards, regardless of progress made, suffered major penalties (e.g. school leadership change, school closure, and student displacement). Urban school districts saw the harshest consequences in high stakes testing that resulted in shrinking budgets, which were already inadequate (Noguera, 2003). A major critique of NCLB was that it did, indeed, leave some students behind by causing public school systems to compromise the integrity of their students’ education by manipulating their curriculum and/or test scores for various reasons such as job and educational funding procurement. In regards to NCLB successes, it did aid in closing the achievement gap, mainly for white and Latina students (Hanushek & Raymond, 2005) rather the black students the original equal opportunity act was alleged to target.
      Other achievement gaps exaggerated by NCLB were due, in part, to non-uniformity in public education standards and testing. Because state leaders were given discretion in determining their academic expectations under NCLB, not all school systems were equal; some schools had higher proficiency goals than others causing some students to be ill-prepared for college and the workforce having dissatisfactory literacy and math skills (Kaplan & Peterson, 2013). As a result, the Common Core State Standards initiative was developed in 2009 with the primary goal of creating a single set of standards that would improve achievement and college-readiness (Corestandards.org). Initially, the curriculum was largely adopted by all but a handful of states. Anti-common core groups opposed the initiative proposing it extended federal oversight into state and local matters using the effects of NCLB, which was federally enforced, as a warning indicator (Rethinking Schools, 2013). As of today, more than half of these states still employ the CCSS in some fashion, despite provoking mixed opinions among educators. The question on whether or not standardizing curriculum ensures equality of education still remains to be answered.
      To give a proper characterization of BCPSS, it is the 4th largest county in Maryland, has the largest black student population of over 80%, and ranks as one of the poorest counties with over 60% of students classified as low-income (Baltimorecityschools.org). To describe the achievement gap, 2016 PARCC scores revealed BCPSS ranked last among all 24 public school systems in Maryland with an overall pass rate of 18% (Smith, 2017). In the past, the state of Maryland has been largely recognized for having some of the best performing and most improved public school systems (Edweek.org), so the question arises why are these achievements not equally reflected in  the poor black population? Critical race theorists hypothesize that the failures of school districts like BCPSS, not similar to the majority (white, more affluent) population of the state and country, are tolerated as a result of a racialized society (Gladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). In other terms, neglect of issues help reinforce race and class hierarchy.
      Baltimore City as whole, not just the public school system, is understudied. In this era of gentrification, the history of Baltimore City and its peoples stand to be lost.  While this paper is a critical analysis of educational policy implementation and race relations, it also poses as a form of salvage ethnography to recount the stories of black struggles and accomplishments within the public school system before its imminent reorganization. Until the reality of racial injustice in educational opportunities is acknowledged by policy makers, the achievement gap will only continue to expand like it has since the 1960’s.
      This research examines the effect of CCSS on the achievement gap in BCPSS between 2011 and 2015. Two statistical online databases, Maryland Report Card and Maryland Fact Book, are used to analyze quantitative data relative to the research question. Proficient and advanced scores on the Maryland School Assessment in English and math are used to measure academic achievement. SAT scores and college enrollment rates (students who enroll within 12 months post graduation) are analyzed to measure college preparedness. Enrollment, graduation rate, teacher quality, and educational funding and spending were analyzed as variables possibly attributing to the achievement gap.    Â
      Quantitative data was used to compare academic achievement between black and white students in BCPSS, academic achievement between black students in BCPSS and black students in other Maryland public school systems, and the overall BCPSS to the entire Maryland public school system. Qualitative data was collected in the form of oral history interviews from current and recently removed BCPSS educators and administrators. Interviewees were asked to share their experiences in BCPSS and to offer critiques of educational policies/initiatives. Common themes of struggle and success were identified to explore the relationships significant to achievement.
Again, comments and critiques are welcomed.