trying on a metaphor
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2025 on Tumblr: Trends That Defined the Year
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@rollingdownthathill
Introduction
I'm Sage (he/they)
After successfully dodging having tumblr during my angsty teen years I've decided to give it a go now since I've gotten a bit sick of instagram.
Bear with me as I try to figure out this funky app
Rules:
Don't steal/repost/use my art in any way without permission
Don't be creepy in comments/asks
If you're a terf/racist/map etc kindly fuck off
Other accounts:
space_whales_ on insta
spacewhales1 on twitter
hey look over there what's that *throws these at you*
disco elysium ultra compressed for free
sacred and terrible air english translation // group ibex version
disco elysium art book
full soundtrack by sea power // bandcamp version
disco elysium script explorer with audio
FAYDE (more accessible wiki of dialogue trees but without audio)
btw if you find yourself dehumanizing any person or group for any reason you've already lost
Ok, but how do you fight that once you’ve realized it?
The therapy answer: You can train yourself to follow unproductive thought patterns and you can retrain yourself to follow more productive ones instead. The first step is realizing what you're thinking and correcting it, and the next step is repeat step 1 until it starts happening automatically.
The sociological answer: people typically become less prejudiced when they spend extended time with groups of people they are prejudiced against, especially in a non-adversarial context.
fun fact: you can’t dehumanise billionaires bc they’re not human 🤷 sorry i don’t make the rules
Fetishizing the guillotine is like fetishizing the state: it means celebrating an instrument of murder that will always be used chiefly agai
Billionares are in fact very much human and that's why it fucking Sucks but also Do guillotine them for the catharsis
[...] Those who don’t desire revenge because they are not compassionate enough to be outraged about injustice or because they are simply not paying attention deserve no credit for this. There is less virtue in apathy than in the worst excesses of vengefulness. Do I want to take revenge on the police officers who murder people with impunity, on the billionaires who cash in on exploitation and gentrification, on the bigots who harass and dox people? Yes, of course I do. They have killed people I knew; they are trying to destroy everything I love. When I think about the harm that they are causing, I feel ready to break their bones, to kill them with my bare hands. But that desire is distinct from my politics. I can want something without having to reverse-engineer a political justification for it. I can want something and choose not to pursue it, if I want something else even more—in this case, an anarchist revolution that is not based in revenge. I don’t judge other people for wanting revenge, especially if they have been through worse than I have. But I also don’t confuse that desire with a proposal for liberation. [...]
[...] If—to use Max Weber’s famous definition—an aspiring government qualifies as representing the state by achieving a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory, then one of the most persuasive ways it can demonstrate its sovereignty is to wield lethal force with impunity. This explains the various reports to the effect that public beheadings were observed as festive or even religious occasions during the French Revolution. Before the Revolution, beheadings were affirmations of the sacred authority of the monarch; during the Revolution, when the representatives of the Republic presided over executions, this confirmed that they held sovereignty—in the name of The People, of course. “Louis must die so that the nation may live,” Robespierre had proclaimed, seeking to sanctify the birth of bourgeois nationalism by literally baptizing it in the blood of the previous social order. Once the Republic was inaugurated on these grounds, it required continuous sacrifices to affirm its authority. Here we see the essence of the state: it can kill, but it cannot give life. As the concentration of political legitimacy and coercive force, it can do harm, but it cannot establish the kind of positive freedom that individuals experience when they are grounded in mutually supportive communities. It cannot create the kind of solidarity that gives rise to harmony between people. What we use the state to do to others, others can use the state to do to us—as Robespierre experienced—but no one can use the coercive apparatus of the state for the cause of liberation. For radicals, fetishizing the guillotine is just like fetishizing the state: it means celebrating an instrument of murder that will always be used chiefly against us. Those who have been stripped of a positive relationship to their own agency often look around for a surrogate to identify with—a leader whose violence can stand in for the revenge they desire as a consequence of their own powerlessness. In the Trump era, we are all well aware of what this looks like among disenfranchised proponents of far-right politics. But there are also people who feel powerless and angry on the left, people who desire revenge, people who want to see the state that has crushed them turned against their enemies. [...]
[...] When we see ourselves as fighting against specific human beings rather than social phenomena, it becomes more difficult to recognize the ways that we ourselves participate in those phenomena. We externalize the problem as something outside ourselves, personifying it as an enemy that can be sacrificed to symbolically cleanse ourselves. Yet what we do to the worst of us will eventually be done to the rest of us. As a symbol of vengeance, the guillotine tempts us to imagine ourselves standing in judgment, anointed with the blood of the wicked. The Christian economics of righteousness and damnation is essential to this tableau. On the contrary, if we use it to symbolize anything, the guillotine should remind us of the danger of becoming what we hate. The best thing would be to be able to fight without hatred, out of an optimistic belief in the tremendous potential of humanity. Often, all it takes to be able to cease to hate a person is to succeed in making it impossible for him to pose any kind of threat to you. When someone is already in your power, it is contemptible to kill him. This is the crucial moment for any revolution, the moment when the revolutionaries have the opportunity to take gratuitous revenge, to exterminate rather than simply to defeat. If they do not pass this test, their victory will be more ignominious than any failure. The worst punishment anyone could inflict on those who govern and police us today would be to compel them to live in a society in which everything they’ve done is regarded as embarrassing—for them to have to sit in assemblies in which no one listens to them, to go on living among us without any special privileges in full awareness of the harm they have done. If we fantasize about anything, let us fantasize about making our movements so strong that we will hardly have to kill anyone to overthrow the state and abolish capitalism. This is more becoming of our dignity as partisans of liberation. It is possible to be committed to revolutionary struggle by all means necessary without holding life cheap. It is possible to eschew the sanctimonious moralism of pacifism without thereby developing a cynical lust for blood. We need to develop the ability to wield force without ever mistaking power over others for our true objective, which is to collectively create the conditions for the freedom of all. [...]
[...] Have mass killings ever helped us advance our cause? Certainly, the comparatively few executions that anarchists have carried out—such as the killings of pro-fascist clergy during the Spanish Civil War—have enabled our enemies to depict us in the worst light, even if they are responsible for ten thousand times as many murders. Reactionaries throughout history have always disingenuously held revolutionaries to a double standard, forgiving the state for murdering civilians by the million while taking insurgents to task for so much as breaking a window. The question is not whether they have made us popular, but whether they have a place in a project of liberation. If we seek transformation rather than conquest, we ought to appraise our victories according to a different logic than the police and militaries we confront. This is not an argument against the use of force. Rather, it is a question about how to employ it without creating new hierarchies, new forms of systematic oppression. The image of the guillotine is propaganda for the kind of authoritarian organization that can avail itself of that particular tool. Every tool implies the forms of social organization that are necessary to employ it. In his memoir, Bash the Rich, Class War veteran Ian Bone quotes Angry Brigade member John Barker to the effect that “petrol bombs are far more democratic than dynamite,” suggesting that we should analyze every tool of resistance in terms of how it structures power. Critiquing the armed struggle model adopted by hierarchical authoritarian groups in Italy in the 1970s, Alfredo Bonanno and other insurrectionists emphasized that liberation could only be achieved via horizontal, decentralized, and participatory methods of resistance. [...] As a tool, the guillotine takes for granted that it is impossible to transform one’s relations with the enemy, only to abolish them. What’s more, the guillotine assumes that the victim is already completely within the power of the people who employ it. By contrast with the feats of collective courage we have seen people achieve against tremendous odds in popular uprisings, the guillotine is a weapon for cowards. By refusing to slaughter our enemies wholesale, we hold open the possibility that they might one day join us in our project of transforming the world. Self-defense is necessary, but wherever we can, we should take the risk of leaving our adversaries alive. Not doing so guarantees that we will be no better than the worst of them. From a military perspective, this is a handicap; but if we truly aspire to revolution, it is the only way. [...]
[...] Leave it to anti-Semites and other bigots to describe the enemy as a type of people, to personify everything they fear as the Other. Our adversary is not a kind of human being, but the form of social relations that imposes antagonism between people as the fundamental model for politics and economics. Abolishing the ruling class does not mean guillotining everyone who currently owns a yacht or penthouse; it means making it impossible for anyone to systematically wield coercive power over anyone else. As soon as that is impossible, no yacht or penthouse will sit empty long. As for our immediate adversaries—the specific human beings who are determined to maintain the prevailing order at all costs—we aspire to defeat them, not to exterminate them. However selfish and rapacious they appear, at least some of their values are similar to ours, and most of their errors—like our own—arise from their fears and weaknesses. In many cases, they oppose the proposals of the Left precisely because of what is internally inconsistent in them—for example, the idea of bringing about the fellowship of humanity by means of violent coercion.
You Are Not Exempt From Reading & Contemplating Against the Logic of the Guillotine: Why the Paris Commune Burned the Guillotine—and We Should Too
anyways if you are gonna add "well if someone dehumanizes me/my loved ones they don't DESERVE to be seen as human!" you straight up do not believe in universal human rights.
you know what that mindset gets you? people jumping at the bit to call Jews world-controlling demons because of the dehumanization of Palestinians. because once your enemy doesn't have the same value as other human lives who fucking cares what you do to them. to anyone who looks like them or comes from the same community as them. you know who even CARES about making a better world when we can just continue the cycle of sectarian violence! surely THIS time viewing our enemies as undeserving of basic dignity won't result in some horrific injustice that will weaken our own movement and create more justification for our enemies! let's never ever separate the concept of justice from our own personal feelings and impulses!
[ID:
Dr Phil gives the L meme template, with the L replaced with a picture of a guillotine
/end ID]
#i wonder if theres a spanish translation of the essay#been thinking a lot about this in the last couple weeks#with how heated things keep getting
There is! If you click the link, right below the title you can choose to read it in another language. It's available in German, Spanish, French, Italian (yay for me), Polish, Brazilian Portuguese, and Russian.
#hot take but catharsis can be an incredibly dangerous feeling#it makes you feel like anything you do is right#it feels good and justified so how can it be wrong?#it doesn’t matter how valid your feelings of anger are#if you get addicted to the catharsis of lashing out you WILL inevitably just end up lashing out not at the group who’s actually harming you#but a proxy for that group#it’s how bigotry has worked for forever#particularly antisemitism#hurting people shouldn’t make you feel good
yes exactly!!!!!!!!!!!
i feel like there's a culture on tumblr of "catharsis = justice" where feelings of anger and hatred are really encouraged. and obviously a lot of this comes from trying to fight the idea that anger, esp. the anger of marginalized people, is a moral failing/something to be ashamed of. but you have folks who feel that being marginalized and angry somehow makes their actions morally pure and unquestionable. and this culture pushes the idea that anyone who suggests you shouldn't do whatever feels the most cathartic for your rage wants you to be oppressed and docile, because the most important thing is Being Angry and Violent Whenever It Feels Good
which yeah obviously leads to massive amounts of harm. when you base your moral philosophy on what feels right its inevitable that deeply socially ingrained bigotries like antisemitism will end up dominating your worldview. & so much of this also gets labeled as being "pro-abuse-survivor" which is just a way to prey on people who feel unheard and angry & thus are more likely to fully buy into the "catharsis = justice" model. this stuff is antithetical to human rights or any kind of responsible moral philosophy
Hello please reblog this if you're okay with people sending you random asks to get to know you better
I need to stop thinking about drawing and start actually drawing my ideas
On my first playthrough I made the mistake of not only getting rid of the expression but also shaving the mutton chops, the last of which I immediately regretted and straight up went to my last save point to undo.
not an ask, just wanted to say that i love ur art style! love and vibe, love the line work, etc etc! keep it up! ❤️❤️
Thank you so much! It means a lot
Lt Kim Kitsuragi
Tequila sunset
What if Kim but with tattoos
Has this been done yet?
omg i love your kim kitsuragi art and YES i 100% agree w your post abt the deification of kim. i read a couple fics where kim appears alongside/in place of dora as an innocence in harry's dreams, similarly untouchable and distantly pitying + disgusted, and it was like YEAH that's the dynamic babey. (also hot take i just can't see harrykim actually working. one sided pining, yeah absolutely lmao)
I'd be interested in checking one of them out if you remember any of the titles. I think that reading about it would cause me pain™️ but also I'm really curious to see how it's handled.
About the hot take, yea tbh I can see why. I think it could work but only after they've actually gotten to know each other and after Harry figured out how to stop idolising/deifying people (or at least started working on it)
I do agree that mutual affection with one sided pining is a GREAT dynamic
Kim Kitsuragi, lieutenant of the RCM, Day 2 into the murder investigation of a John Doe with one Harrier Du Bois
Gonna be reposting my DE art here until I catch up
@serrren Spot on! This is actually what I was going for w this piece!
Also I totally recommend it as a game, it's incredibly good and has replay value imo (I'm currently at the end of my 2nd playthrough)
Ps I'm very new on tumblr so I'm not sure if this is the correct way(format) of responding so if its not please lmk
Ok I am very bad at articulating my thoughts etc but I keep imaging post Martinaise with Harrys reconnection with his past life and with Kim transferring to the 41th (and harry crushimg on him), Harry's insecurities and self hatred taking the form of Kim in his nightmares, saying all the horrible things Harry thinks about himself using this dream version of Kim. Or even Kim just appearing in Harry's dreams, not saying anything, an unapproachable figure with glasses obscuring his eyes but always watching, judging all of harrys mistakes and wrongdoings*.
*either imaginary transgressions, mistakes from the past, or fallbacks an amnesiac addict is expexted to make along the path of recovery
All the while the real Kim being having no idea this is happening and wondering why Harry seems more withdrawn and nervous ever since they returned to Jamrock (is it just him adjusting to his new old life? is it the job or his coworkers getting to him? Is it something kim did?)
Anyway ya
Do you ever talk about yourself detective?
