Trump was stopped from assassinating Syrian President Bashar al-Assad according to Bob Woodward’s new book
A bellicose President Trump wanted to kill Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad after he launched a chemical weapons attack on civilians in April 2017, according to the new White House tell-all by Bob Woodward of the Washington Post.
The commander-in-chief called Defense Secretary Jim Mattis and issued the deadly order.
“Let’s f–king kill him! Let’s go in. Let’s kill the f–king lot of them,” Trump said, according to the book, the subject of a lengthy article in the DC paper on Tuesday.
Mattis told the president that he’d get right on it.
But after hanging up, he told a senior aide: “We’re not going to do any of that. We’re going to be much more measured.”
The president’s national security team then prepared a plan for a conventional airstrike that Trump ultimately ordered.
Trump tweeted a day later that the military attack against Syrian targets was a “Mission Accomplished!”
But the Syrian civil war still grinds on after seven years of fighting — and Assad, along with his Russian and Iranian allies, reportedly is prepping for a massive assault on Idlib Province, the rebels’ last stronghold, which observers fear could kill hundreds of thousands of civilians.
According to The New York Times, Trump’s advisors propose to lift “bureaucratic hurdles” to killing decisions, expand CIA authority to kill in Afghanistan, and relax a key Obama-era requirement limiting lethal strikes to “high-level militants” who pose “a continuing and imminent threat to Americans.” If the rules are relaxed, the policy would permit lethal force against what the Times — apparently itself accepting the war paradigm outside the context of war — refers to as “foot-soldiers.”
Each of these is a step in exactly the wrong direction.
Take the last, for example. The “continuing, imminent threat” requirement was itself a malleable, made-up limit, and rather a nonsensical one, as the administration’s interpretation of imminent meant anything but imminent. But look what’s being considered now — killing low-level suspects, far from any battlefield, who don’t actually pose a threat to Americans.
What meaningful basis is there to decide who lives or dies? What limit is left to the government’s claimed killing authority?
It does not seem that the new rules will impose any meaningful geographic or temporal constraints. It appears that the Trump administration proposes to kill people engaged in so-called Islamist insurgencies in many parts of the world. If so, how does this not turn America into the world’s military, acting at the behest of or to protect notorious rights-violating regimes like the one in the Philippines? As we have warned, under Trump, the limits of war as we know it could virtually dissolve.
Trump’s advisors apparently propose to keep in place a requirement of “near certainty” that no civilians will be harmed in strikes. However, that provides little comfort because we don’t know who the Trump administration defines as a civilian. Moreover, lowering the threshold for who is killed and removing even internal layers of executive branch oversight surely increases the risk of wrongful killing and abuse, as well as the likelihood that no one will be held accountable when things go wrong.
Unfortunately, that wouldn’t be new, for there has been no accountability for any alleged wrongful strike , limited transparency, and no meaningful public assessment of the human and strategic costs of lethal strikes. This is the killing program the Trump administration is seeking to expand.
During the Obama years, we argued that the administration’s claims of meaningful limits on killing authority essentially boiled down to “trust us.” Many Americans did. Now, the Trump administration wants the same trust. And more people will die.