The Atyap people (Tyap: Á̠niet A̠tyap, singular: A̠tyotyap; Hausa exonym: Kataf, Katab) are an ethnic group that occupy part of the Zangon-Kataf, Kaura and Jema'a Local Government Areas of Kaduna State, Nigeria.
They speak the Tyap language, one of the West Plateau languages.
They derive their name from their language, Tyap, a descriptive name meaning people who speak Tyap. They are, however, addressed as Katab or Kataf by the Hausa due to a large amount of camwood (Katambari in Hausa and Gbandaad in Tyap) which they used as an important item of trade.
The Katab are cluster of ethnic groups who live in Niger, Nasarawa and Kaduna states, and the Abuja Federal Capital territory of Nigeria. They were identified by colonial British ethnographer C. K. Meek as a “cultural complex” based on their common language and some shared traits such as wife-abduction, wearing of lip plugs, houses with peaked roofs, and headhunting. Katab subgroups include the Ataka, Ikulu, Jaba, Kachichere, Kagoma, Kagoro, Kaje, Kamantan, Katab and Morwa. They are popularly known as the people of Southern Zaria, which was a part of the former Zaria Emirate and later Zaria province, now Kaduna state. They also refer to themselves as Netzit.
Katab is also the name of one of the ethnic groups within the cultural complex, who reside in the Zangon Kataf district of Kaduna state and refer to themselves as the Atyap. This summary focuses on the Katab subgroup, and on the neighboring Kagoro of the Kaura district in the same state. The geography of the region varies from flat fertile plains to rolling hills and high plateau. The Zangon Kataf district is described as undulating savannah grassland.
The Atyap occupy part of the area of the Nok culture, famous for its terra-cotta figurines. Whether they are related to the people that made these figurines cannot be determined.
Several iron smelting sites have been located in Atyap area. Most of these were found in the area of Gan and nearby settlements. The remains include slag, tuyeres and furnaces. In two sites in the Ayid-ma-pama (Tyap: A̠yit Mapama) on the banks of the Sanchinyirian stream and banks of Chen Fwuam at Atabad Atanyieang (Tyap: A̠ta̠bat A̠ta̠nyeang) the slag and tuyeres remains were particularly abundant in high heaps. This category of information is complemented by shallow caves and the rock shelter at Bakunkung Afang (9°55'N, 8°10'E) and Tswog Fwuam (9°51'N, 8°22'E) at Gan and Atabad-Atanyieang, respectively. The same study reveals several iron ore mining pits (9°58.5'N, 8°17, 85'E). More such pits have been identified in later search, suggesting that iron ore mining was intensive in the area.
The Katab are overwhelmingly farmers. Historically they have grown sorghum, dauro millet (Pennisetum glaucum), acha (fonio; Digitaria exilis, beans, groundnuts, yam, cassava, cocoyam, sweet potatoes, garden eggs, pumpkins, peppers, okra, benniseed (Sesamum radiatum), and kuud (karkashi in Hausa; Artemesia spp.). They also cultivated tree crops such as guava, pawpaw, mango, banana, oil palm, and raffia palm. Livestock included goats, chickens, dogs, and later horses, sheep and ducks. Millet is the staple food crop, and corn is grown for beer. Farms are owned and worked by individual households. Meals are eaten mid-day and after sunset, with a snack in the early morning usually made up of leftovers from the night before. Porridge and soup is the evening meal. Men and women eat separately. The agricultural season begins in April when the first rains appear; vegetables are planted in the household gardens (titam) and guinea corn in the fields. Millet is sown in the beginning of June, followed by acha, potatoes, cocoyam and risga (or rizga; Plectanthrus esculentus). The rainy season lasts from June to September, when yams are cultivated and other vegetables harvested. Grain crops are harvested, dried and stored at the start of the dry season which begins at the end of November. Dry season activities include house construction, road clearing, and hunting. Game included antelope, hare, rabbit, monkey, bush pig, baboon, and leopard.
Both men and women are honored by funeral rites. The Katab are buried in bottle-shaped graves and, depending on the tribe, the grave is sealed by a large stone, logs, or mud, and covered with the excavated soil to create a mound. Interment occurs within a day of the death. A widow will mourn by growing her hair and smearing herself with ochre for a period of two months, after which she is shaved bald and washed clean in the river. Secondary burials occur several years later. Some tribes believe in reincarnation. Witches were buried in the bush in open graves without ceremony.
Most Katab believe in life after death; the Kagoro are an exception. Souls can turn into ghosts or are re-born into a descendant. Ghosts inhabit sacred groves where they are propitiated and consulted. Souls of dead enemies or game animals must we warded off with purification rites.
CLANS
One feature of the Atyap proper (a sub-group in the larger Atyap/Nienzit also spelt Nenzit/Netzit ethnolinguistic group) is the manner in which responsibilities are shared among its four clans, some of which has sub-clans and sub-responsibilities. The possession of totems, taboos and emblems which come in form of designs, structures and animals is another important aspect in the history and tradition of the Atyap people. According to oral tradition, all the four clans of the Atyap people have different emblems, totems and taboos and they vary from clan to clan and from sub-clan to sub-clan. This is considered as a common practice among the people because they most of the time used these emblems as a way of identification. Apart from the emblems and totems, some clans have certain animals or plants which they also consider as taboos and in some cases also used them for rituals. Oral tradition further has it that such animals are usually reverend in the area till date.
The exogamous belief within the clans that members of a clan had a common descent through one ancestor, prevented inter-marriages between members of the same clan. Inter-clan and inter-state marriage was encouraged.
The Aminyam clan
Not much is known about this clan but it has 2 sub-clans:
Aswon (Ason)
Afakan (Fakan)
Cows are considered as the Minyam's totem but the people have mystified a cow by seeing it as a hare with its ear as horns. These “horns” of the hare are locally called A̱ta̱m a̱swom and the Minyam clan members have high respect for them because they always touch the “horns” and swear by them when an offence is committed. Once the accused person swears, then nothing will be said or done again but to just wait for the outcome.
The A̱gbaat clan
It has 3 sub-clans:
A̱kpaisa
A̱kwak (Kakwak) and
Jei
They had primacy in both cavalry and archery warfare, handled the army. The Agbaat clan, especially the Jei sub-clan, was considered the best warriors both in Cavalry and archery warfare. Agbaat clan leader therefore became the commander-in-chief of the Atyap army. The post of "A̱tyutalyen", a military public relations officer who announced the commencement and termination of each war, was held by a member of the Agbaat clan The totem for the Agbaat clan is the large crocodile called Tsang. Oral tradition has it that the Agbaat consider the Tsang as their ‘friend’ and ‘brother’ and the relationship is also said to have developed when the Atyap people were fleeing from their enemies. As they moved, they got to a very big river which they could not cross and suddenly crocodiles appeared and formed a bridge for them to cross. When the other clans tried to cross by the same means, the crocodile swam away. This, according to oral tradition, explains why today, it is said that the Agbaat people can play with a crocodile without being harmed and given the respect the Agbaat people have for the crocodile, they bury its dead body when they find it killed anywhere. Similarly, when an Agbaat man accidentally kills a crocodile (Tsang), he must hurriedly run to a forest for some special medicine and ritual. But if the killing is by design, then it is believed that the entire clan will perish.
The A̱ku clan
The Aku clans were the custodians of the paraphernalia of the A̱bwoi and led in the rites for all New initiates and ceremonies. They performed initiation rites for all new initiates. To prepare adherents for initiations, their bodies were smeared with mahogany oil (A̱myia̱ a̱ko) and were forced to take exhaustive exercise before they were ushered into the shrine. They had to swear to keep all secretes related to the Abwoi. Abwoi communicated to the people using a dry shell of bamboo having two open ends. One end was covered with spider's web while t he other end was blown. It produced a mysterious sound interpreted to the people as the voice of a deceased ancestor. This human manipulation enabled the male elders of the society to control the behaviour and conscience of society. Abwoi leaves (Na̱nsham) a species of shea, were placed on farms and housetops to scare away thieves since the Abwoi were believed to be omnipresent and omniscient. Abwoi was thus, a unifying religious belief among the Atyap that wedded immense powers in a society whose secrets were kept through a web of spies and informants who reports the activities of saboteurs. Any revelation of Abwoi secrets could be meted with capital punishment. Women were also implored to keep society secrets, particularly, those related to way. To ensure that war secrets did not leak to the opponents, women were made to wear tswa a̱ywan (woven raffia ropes) for 6 months in a year. During this period, they were to refrain from gossips, “foreign” travel and late cooking. At the end of the period, it was marked by Song-A̱yet (or Swong A̱yet), celebrated in April, when women were free to wear fashionable dresses. These fashionable dresses included the A̱ta̱yep made of strips of leader and decorated with cowrie shells. The A̱yiyep, another version of this, had dyed ropes of raffia sewn together into loin cloth. Women also wore the Gyep ywan (lumber ornament) for the Song-A̱yet ceremony. It was woven from palm fibre into a thick made in the shape of a truncated cone or mushroom. It was tied round the waist using a projection from a cord. For men, the muzurwa was the major dress, which was made of tanned leather and properly oiled. The rich in society had the edges of this dress adorned with beads and cowries. The dress was tied round the waist with the aid of gindi (leather strap). By the late 18th century, a pair of short knickers called Dinari, made of cloth, became part of the men's attire. Men also had their hair plaited and at times decorated with cowrie shells. They wore raffia caps (A̱ka̱ta) decorated with dyed wool and ostrich feathers. Their bodies were painted with white chalk (A̱bwan) and red ochre (tswuo)
For the Aku clan, oral tradition has it that their emblem or totem is the ‘Male’ shea Tree (locally called Na̱nsham). The people's belief about this tree was that the tree can be felled, but its wood is not to be used for making fire for cooking. It is believed that if an Aku man eats food cooked with Na̱nsham wood his body would develop sores. Also, if a bunch of Na̱nsham leaves was placed at the door of a house, no Aku woman dared entered into such house because it was also considered a serious taboo. Nevertheless, if these inevetently happen, Dauke (2004) explained that certain rituals would be performed to cleanse the victims from such curses otherwise they would die.
The A̱shokwa (Shokwa) clan
The A̱shokwa clan were in-charge of rainmaking and flood control rites. It also has no sub-clans. The A̱shokwa for example, were in-charge of rites associated with rainmaking and control of floods. During dry spells in the rainy season, the A̱shokwa clan leader, the chief priest and Rainmaker had to perform rites for rainmaking. When rainfall was too high resulting in floods and destruction of houses and crops, the same officers of the clan were called up to perform rites related to control rain.
According to Achi (1981), the emblem or totem of the A̱shokwa clan was a lizard known as Tatong (ant-eater). According to them, A̱shokwa, the founder of the clan, was trying to lit his house, when suddenly the Tatong (appeared and asked) whom he was and where his relatives were. A̱shokwa told the Tatong that he had no relatives or kindred. The Tatong sympathized with A̱shokwa and assured him that ‘God’ would increase his family. This prophesy later came true, and A̱shokwa ordered all his children to rever the Tatong at all time. Henceforth, tradition also has it that the A̱shokwa clan began to regard the Tatong as a ‘relative’, and if they found its dead body anywhere they would bury it and give it all the respect it deserves, holding funeral for it as they do for their elderly persons.
Oral tradition further confirmed that, should an A̱shokwa man kill a Tatong accidentally, rain would fall, even in the middle of the dry season. This respect shown to the Tatong by the A̱shokwa is shared by most of the Atyap clans, these members of another clan who lived near the A̱shokwa and who accidentally killed a Tatong took its body to the A̱shokwa people for burial. It is claimed that the most binding oath an A̱shokwa can make is by the Tatong and they also do not name their siblings after their emblem animal.
Relationship between the clans
According to Gaje and Daye (Pers. Comm. 2008), the Aku and Ashokwa clans share closer affinity in contradistinction with their relationship with the other clans and sub-clans. Aku and Ashokwa clans have no sub clans probably because they chose not to emphasize the issue of subdivisions amongst themselves. This close relationship is traceable to their early arrival to their present settlement; the Aku and the Ashokwa were said to have arrived their present abode before the other clans and sub-clans. Dauke (2004) further pointed out that the Aku and the Ashokwa were legendarily “discovered” because they were “met” there by the other Atyap people who arrived later.
Several other legendary versions of oral tradition also exist on Atyap history of migration and settlement. First, it is said that after the Agbaat clan came and settled in their new place, one of the sub-clans of the Agbaat went on a hunting expedition and accidentally “came across” the Ashokwa clan along the River Kaduna performing certain religious rites. When the Ashokwa saw the Agbaat coming their way, they fled out of fear and the Agbaat pursued them. When the Agbaat finally caught the Ashokwa, they discovered that they speak the same (Tyap) language and share the same belief and thus accepted them as their brothers. Dauke (2004) also gave another version of the tradition on the “discovery” of the Aku and Ashokwa clans. According to him, the Aku were proverbially said to have “sprung out” from the hoof marks of the Agbaat horsemen as they pursued the Ashokwa. In other words, while the Agbaat were pursuing the Ashokwa, the hooves of their horsemen opened a termite's mound from where the Aku emanated. This explains why the Aku to date bear the nickname of “Bi̠n Cíncai”, which means, “relatives of the termites”. The above traditions and stories of the “discovery” of the Aku and Ashokwa clans, portray the fact that these two clans can likely be reconsidered as those representing the earlier migrants who first came and occupied the present Atyap land. However, oral tradition also has it that all the four clans and sub-clans of the Atyap people are presently found in their large number in many villages within the Atyap Chiefdom largely due to population increase and the need to stay closer to farmlands. They also inter-mingle with one another within most of the villages in Atyap land where the Akpaisa, the Jei and the Akwak (Kakwak) sub-clans of the Agbaat clan are found, including the Minyam villages.
(there is so much to learn about this tribe and the source I used was 101lasttribes.com)
