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Beyond imagination, it's the majestic Land Yacht in its natural habitat: the infinite void of space. The 1972 Ford LTD was less of a car and more of a mobile zip code. The headline argues that "after a point you're not buying any more car," which is technically true because if this car were any larger, it would require its own gravitational field. I particularly enjoy the tiny couple standing by the trunk in the darkness. They aren't admiring the view; they are exhausted. They started walking from the front bumper three days ago and have only just reached the taillights. And let’s not overlook the "Quiet Plus" feature, which I assume means the interior is so insulated with velour and vinyl that you can’t hear the sound of the gas gauge dropping visibly as you idle. This is peak 1970s "Brown and Gold" aesthetic, designed for the man who wants to drive a living room down the highway at 55 mph.

Sourced from the January 21, 1972 issue of Life Magazine.

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#MustangMonday #MuscleCarMonday - Spotted this cool 2021 Ford Ford Mustang Shelby GT500. #Ford #FordMustang #ShelbyGT500 #FordMustangShelbyGT500 #Mustang #MustangShelbyGT500 #FordMotors #FordMotorCompany #ShelbyAmericanInc #carspotting #carhunting #SFcarspots

Spotted: 06/30/2025 Bon Air Shopping Center, Greenbrae, CA

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In 1962, Gisèle Halimi, a French lawyer for several Algerians who had been brutally raped and tortured in prison, wrote in exasperation, "The words were the same stale clichés: ever since torture had been used in Algeria there had always been the same words, the same expression of indigna-tion, the same signatures to public protests, the same promises. This automatic routine had not abolished one set of electrodes or water-hoses; nor had it in any remotely effective way curbed the power of those who used them." Simone de Beauvoir, writing on the same subject, concurred: "To protest in the name of morality against 'excesses' or 'abuses' is an error which hints at active complicity. There are no 'abuses' or 'excesses' here, simply an all-pervasive system."24

Her point was that the occupation could not be done humanely; there is no humane way to rule people against their will. There are two choices, Beauvoir wrote: accept occupation and all the methods required for its en-forcement, "or else you reject, not merely certain specific practices, but the greater aim which sanctions them, and for which they are essential." The same stark choice is available in Iraq and Israel/Palestine today, and it was the only option in the Southern Cone in the seventies. Just as there is no kind, gentle way to occupy people against their determined will, there is no peaceful way to take away from millions of citizens what they need to live with dignity —which is what the Chicago Boys were determined to do. Robbery, whether of land or a way of life, requires force or at least its credible threat; it's why thieves carry guns, and often use them. Torture is sickening, but it is often a highly rational way to achieve a specific goal; indeed, it may be the only way to achieve those goals. Which raises the deeper question, one that so many were incapable of asking at the time in Latin America. Is neoliberalism an inherently violent ideology, and is there something about its goas that demands this cycle of brutal political cleansing, followed by human rights cleanup operations?

One of the most moving testimonies on this question comes from Sergio Tomasella, a tobacco farmer and secretary-general of Argentina's Agrarian Leagues, who was tortured and imprisoned for five years, as were his wife and many friends and family members.* In May 1990, Tomasella took the overnight bus to Buenos Aires from the rural province of Corrientes in order to add his voice to the Argentine Tribunal against Impunity, which was hearing testimony on human rights abuses during the dictatorship.

Tomasella's testimony was different from the others. He stood before the urban audience in his farming clothes and work boots and explained that he was the casualty of a long war, one between poor peasants who wanted pieces of land to form cooperatives and the all-powerful ranchers who owned half the land in his province. "The line is continuous —those who took the land from the Indians continue to oppress us with their feudal structures." He insisted that the abuse he and his fellow members of the Agrarian Leagues suffered could not be isolated from the huge economic interests served by the breaking of their bodies and destruction of their activist net-works. So instead of naming the soldiers who abused him, he chose to name the corporations, both foreign and national, that profit from Argentina's continued economic dependence. "Foreign monopolies impose crops on us, they impose chemicals that pollute our earth, impose technology and ideol-ogy. All this through the oligarchy which owns the land and controls the pol-itics. But we must remember —the oligarchy is also controlled, by the very same monopolies, the very same Ford Motors, Monsanto, Philip Morris. It's the structure we have to change. This is what I have come to denounce.

That's all.".

The auditorium erupted in applause. Tomasella concluded his testimony with these words: "I believe that truth and justice will eventually triumph. It will take generations. If I am to die in this fight, then so be it. But one day we will triumph. In the meantime, I know who the enemy is, and the enemy knows who I am, too.'

The Chicago Boys' first adventure in the seventies should have served as a warning to humanity: theirs are dangerous ideas. By failing to hold the ideology accountable for the crimes committed in its first laboratory, this subculture of unrepentant ideologues was given immunity, freed to scour the world for its next conquest. These days, we are once again living in an era of corporatist massacres, with countries suffering tremendous military violence alongside organized attempts to remake them into model "free market" economies; disappearances and torture are back with a vengeance. And once again the goals of building free markets, and the need for such brutality, are treated as entirely unrelated.

#naomi klein #capitalism #imperialism #colonialism #simone de beauvoir #shock doctrine #dictatorship #palestine #ford motors #monsanto #philip morris #general motors #books

Ford Motor Co., which operates two plants in Louisville, is facing a strike authorization vote from union members at UAW Local 862.

As the summer marked by nationwide labor movements continues to heat up, another major national corporation with deep roots in Kentucky may soon face a strike. The International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, or UAW, is applying pressure on the Big Three automakers, which include General Motors, Ford and Stellantis — which owns the Jeep, Ram, Chrysler, Dodge and Fiat brands — by hosting a nationwide strike authorization vote. Ford Motor Co., which operates both the Louisville Assembly Plant, LAP, and the Kentucky Truck Plant, KTP, in Louisville is facing a strike authorization vote from union members at UAW Local 862 as national UAW negotiations continue ahead of a nationwide contract expiration on Sept. 14. UAW Local 862 represents roughly 12,000 rank and file workers at both LAP and KTP. While a strike authorization vote is often seen as a formality and a common tactic for unions to take during negotiations, it will allow the UAW to strike if deemed necessary in order to secure a contract it feels is best for its membership.

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